#hoxha

[marxbook]

RARE BOOK OF ALBANIA'S HOXHAIST PHILOSOPHY

Materializmi dialektik dhe historik (Dialectical and Historical Materialism) – two volumes. This was the principal state-sanctioned textbook. Volume I (1971) and Volume II (1974) were prepared under Foto Çami’s supervision, with Alfred Uçi and Zija Xholi as chief editors. The listed authors/editors include A. Popa, A. Uçi, B. Avdia, F. Çami, K. Angjeli, and S. Pëllumbi (among others). The books systematically expound Marxist-Leninist philosophy, rooting it in the classics and Hoxha’s oeuvre while denouncing “revisionism”. Both volumes were printed in large state-run editions (e.g. the National Library catalog records 25,000 copies each). In 1983 a new edition of Vol. II was issued by the University of Tirana’s Faculty of Political and Legal Sciences under Foto Çami’s editorship.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter XX: Forms of Social Consciousness

2. Social Psychology and Ideology .......................................................................................... 538

What is social psychology

What is ideology

Individual consciousness

Bourgeois ideology — an illusory and reactionary ideology

Marxist-Leninist ideology — a powerful weapon in the struggle for socialism

1. Politics and Law ................................................................................................................... 551

What is politics

Politics — a concentrated expression of economics

The place and role of politics in new social life

Politics is foremost

What is law?

Proletarian politics and law in the foreground

The place and role of law in the life of society

2. Morality ............................................................................................................................... 567

The content of morality

The historical and class character of morality

The reactionary core of bourgeois morality

Communist morality

The education of workers with the principles of communist morality

3. Art and its Role in the Communist Education of Workers ................................................. 581

Art: Its origin and specificity

The place and role of art in the life of society

The class character of art

Socialist art and the method of socialist realism

The popular character of socialist art

Innovation and tradition in socialist art

4. Science and its Role in the Development of Society ........................................................... 597

The content of science

Science and ideology

Science, production, and social life

The place and role of science in capitalism and socialism

The technical-scientific revolution: Its core and main directions in our country

5. Religion — Opium for the People ....................................................................................... 608

The origin of religion

The content of religion

The reactionary role of religion

The stance of the communist party and the socialist state toward religion

The causes that sustain remnants of religion and religious prejudices

Ways to eliminate remnants

The duties of scientific atheist propaganda

Chapter XXI: Marxist-Leninist Philosophy — A Sharp Weapon in the Struggle Against Bourgeois and Revisionist Ideology, for the Victory and Cause of Communism

1. Marxist-Leninist Philosophy is Incompatible with Any Trend of Bourgeois Ideology ......... 620

Marxist-Leninist philosophy is developed and evolves in struggle against the ideological enemies of the proletariat

Relations with the fundamental themes of today's bourgeois philosophy

2. The Struggle Against Revisionism — An Indispensable Condition for the Victory of the Cause of Revolution and Socialism .............................................................................. 626

The struggle between Marxism-Leninism and opportunism and revisionism — a law of development of the revolutionary movement of the proletariat

What is revisionism? Characteristics of modern revisionism

The causes of the emergence and spread of modern revisionism

3. Marxist-Leninist Philosophy — The Theoretical Basis of Communism ............................. 637

[frankenstineboiz]

Enver Hoxha, like Wang Ming and the Soviet revisionists, accuses Mao of “nationalism,” of a “peasant mentality” and of opportunism because he applied Marxism-Leninism to the concrete conditions in China and developed an all-around political line capable of leading that revolution to victory. Listen to some of the profound arguments Hoxha conjures up for his attack on Mao: “Mao Tsetung expressed this petty bourgeois theory [not recognizing the leading role of the proletariat] in his general thesis that the “countryside must encircle the city.” “... revolutionary villages,” he wrote, “can encircle the cities. . . rural work should play the primary role in the Chinese revolutionary movement and urban work a secondary role.” Mao expressed this idea also when he wrote about the role of the peasantry in the state. He has said that all other political parties and forces must submit to the peasantry and its views. “... Millions of peasants will rise like a mighty storm, a force so swift and violent that no power, however great, will be able to hold it back. . .,” he writes. “They will put to the test every revolutionary party and group, every revolutionary, so that they either accept their views or reject them.” According to Mao, it turns out that the peasantry and not the working class should play the hegemonic role in the revolution.” Such is the thinking of Enver Hoxha. Where, we will ask, does it say that in every country the main center of the Party’s work must be in the cities? If one is making revolution in a country in which the peasantry is 80% of the population, if the revolution has been driven out of the cities, if the movement is temporarily declining, and if the possibility exists for forming red political power in the countryside–as it did in China–how can it be said that it was wrong to “make the main center of the Party’s work” the rural areas, or to develop a strategy of surrounding the cities by the countryside? In these conditions, to fail to do so could only mean, as it did, a policy of rash adventurism which quickly led to capitulation in the face of the enemy, exactly because the “left” line of concentrating in the cities, refusing to “encircle the cities by the countryside,” meant a line which could not mobilize the forces for revolution in the concrete conditions of China at the time.

-J Werner, Beat Back the Dogmato-Revisionist Attack on Mao Tsetung Thought

[yourordinarycat]

ENVER HOXHA TUNGJATJETA

[socialismforall]

Great piece on what it means to be a communist on a personal level and how a communist party should support its candidates as they prove themselves for full membership and beyond 👇

[milfstalin]

hello milfstalin. stalin/hoxha ? tell me

hoxha is like so down bad for stalin's autism swag. to be fair i would too (these excerpts are from the first meeting with stalin)

That same day, full of indelible impressions and emotions, we were received by the disciple and loyal continuer of the work of Lenin. Josep Vissarionovich Stalin, who talked with us at length. From the beginning he created such a comradely atmosphere that we were very quickly relieved of that natural emotion which we felt when we entered his office, a large room, with a long table for meetings, close to his writing desk. Only a few minutes after exchanging the initial courtesies, we felt as though we were not talking to the great Stalin, but sitting with a comrade, whom we had met before and with whom we had talked many times. I was still young then, and the representative of a small party and country, therefore, in order to create the warmest and most comradely atmosphere for me, Stalin cracked some jokes and then began to speak with affection and great respect about our people, about their militant traditions of the past and their heroism in the National Liberation War. He spoke quietly, calmly and with a characteristic warmth which put me at ease.

A few days after our arrival in Moscow, together with Comrade Stalin and other leaders of the Party and Soviet state I attended an all-Soviet physical-culture display at the Central Stadium of Moscow. With what keen interest Stalin watched this activity! For over two hours he followed the activities of the participants with rapt attention, and although it began to rain near the end of the display and Molotov entreated him several times to leave the stadium, he continued to watch theactivities attentively to the end, to make jokes, to wave his hand. I remember that a mass race had been organized as the final exercise. The runners made several circuits of the stadium. At the finish, a very tall, thin runner who had lagged behind, appeared before the tribune. He could hardly drag one leg after the other and his arms were flapping aimlessly, nevertheless he was trying to run. He was drenched by the rain. Stalin was watching this runner from a distance with a smile which expressed both pity and fatherly affection.

"Mily moy," he said as if talking to himself, "go home, go home, have a little rest, have something to eat and come back again! There will be other races to run..."

Then Stalin asked mea bout a number of words of our language. He wanted to know the names of some work tools, household utensils, etc. I told him the Albanian words, and after listening to them carefully he repeated them, made comparisons between the Albanian name for the tool and its equivalent in the language of the Albanians of the Caucasus. Now and then he turned to Molotov and Mikovan and sought their opinion. It turned out that the roots of the words compared had no similarity.

At this moment, Stalin pressed a button, and after a few seconds the general who was Stalin's aide-de-camp, a tall, very attentive man, who behaved towards us with great kindness and sympathy, came in.

"Comrade Enver Hoxha and I are trying to solve a problem, but we cannot," said Stalin, smiling at the general. "Please get in touch with professor (and he mentioned an outstanding Soviet linguist and historian. whose name has escaped my memory) and ask him on my behalf whether there is any connection between the Albanias of the Caucasus and those of Albania."

After the dinner, Comrade Stalin invited us to go to the Kremlin cinema where, apart from some Soviet newsreels, we saw the Soviet feature film "The Tractor Driver". We sat together on a sofa, and I was impressed by the attention with which Stalin followed this new Soviet film. Frequently he would raise his warm voice to comment on various moments of the events treated in the film. He was especially pleased with the way in which the main character in the film, a vanguard tractor driver, in order to win the confidence of his comrades and the fanners, struggled to become well acquainted with the customs and the behaviour of the people in the countryside, their ideas and aspirations. By working and living among the people, this tractor driver succeeded in becoming a leader honoured and respected by the peasants. At this moment Stalin said:

like this is the only other semi-canonical ship with stalin outside the bolsheviks imo

[septictankie]

[chdkz-veteran]

[johnny-moredread]

There are many hot-heads in the world, with good or evil intentions, who think that the revolution can be carried out at any time, at any moment, at any place. But such people are mistaken. The revolution cannot be carried out at any time and at any place, according to one's wishes. The revolution breaks out and is carried through at that link of the capitalist chain which is the weakest. For the revolution to break out and triumph, the; appropriate objective and subjective conditions must exist, and the favourable moment must be found for launching into revolution. The main thing is that, when they start the revolution, the. broad masses of the people, with the proletariat at the head, must be determined and prepared to carry it through to the end.

Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution, 1978