Single mothers struggle with shame.Why Shame Single Mothers?
-Malaysian BF dumps pregnant girlfriend
Why do you want to cover up for him when you know he did a bad thing? Men get away with it and it is the women who have to face the consequences.
Why Malaysian men abandon their pregnant girlfriend? I'm not sure if I could blame it on his Nationality. I think it's about basic human decency.
In Asian countries unforeseen and out of wedlock pregnancy is a transgression of local cultural, social and religious norms.
Malay community celebrates marital unions and to a family’s sense of achievement. But Single mothers are marginalized and shunned by their families and socially. Many women are abandoned during their pregnancy journeys. Not to mention this is a problem across the world, not just Malaysian and Japan.
The shaming usually comes in the form of comments. Malay community said.
Japanese people and Malaysian people have a different idea of common sense.
we often find it easier to blame women struggling to raise kids on their own than to help them succeed as parents.
This problem is even worse for single mothers in Japan, who not only face greater cultural shame more consistently.
Information was scarce about the deadbeat dads who fled to Malaysia to avoid taking responsibility. Single mothers need solutions, not shaming.
Frankly it’s an injustice and a situation that has to be resolved. Please, don't turn a blind eye to what is happening.
Not everyone has the same opinion so feel free to sound off your opinion in the comment box below, if you'd like. Just remember to be respectful and be kind. No need for cursing.
I appreciate your reading the post all the way through.
He is a Self-professed Malaysian comedian. 【CHEE SZE KHIN】AKA: Keane che,朱思堅, kimchi, Keane chee, ah_geng_ah_tee,朱思謙,kimchi. Kira , kimchiKeane, 朱踢踢-梅子哥,,, etc
He have a many user name on Instagram, Facebook,,, etc (Social Networking Service); Con artists often spin a 'sob story' to hook the victim. I think However much he tries to keep up a pretense, he will show histruecolors .thing that makes it even more annoying is he will play the victim in all this cos that's what he is good at.
Suspiciously missing from all the bluster is the fact that Malay youths were virtually excluded from conscription for 10 years, leaving severe damage.
Despite all our gripes and grouches about National Service (and its yearly reservist call-ups) it’s widely regarded as A Good Thing for a variety of reasons: Singapore has too small a population to rely on citizens volunteering for the military, it forces people from different backgrounds to assimilate, etc. etc.
It’s been 50 years since mandatory conscription came into effect, and it’s become a cultural phenomenon unique enough to inspire films and literature revolving around national service. Criticisms abound, of course, but nobody can deny that Singapore stands ready when disaster (or God forbid, war) goes down.
NS50, the year-long commemoration of National Service’s 50th anniversary, however does not bring back warm nostalgic memories for all Singaporean men. We’re not even talking about recalling the time you messed something up and caused everyone else to be punished, nor the time you wore the same dirty underwear for a week straight in the field — we’re talking about structural discrimination that disadvantaged people based on their race.
Suspiciously missing from all the NS50 bluster and forced pride is the fact that Malay youths were virtually (not officially, mind you) excluded from conscription from 1967 till 1977.
Even when they were eventually let in, they were mainly positioned to serve in the police force or the fire brigade. The small minority of Malays who manage to be called up into the military were given menial jobs, and are (almost always) excluded from key defense roles such as intelligence, the air force, commandos, artillery units and more — a practice that arguably continues to this day.
The Ministry of Defence keeps insisting that the selection of personnel in various military vocations is not based on race. “The ethnic composition of commanders is similar to that in the general population,” Minister for Defence Dr Ng Eng Hen said in a 2014 response to a Parliamentary query about the racial breakdown across National Service vocations.
The unofficial, widely understood reason is this: There is uncertainty as to where the loyalties of the Malay community lie should Singapore engage in war with neighboring Muslim-majority countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia.
Alon Peled, an associate professor and political scientist at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, noted in his paper (A Question of Loyalty: Ethnic Minorities, Military Service and Resistance) that discrimination against Malays in the military didn’t need to be spoken out loud to be felt.
“By the second half of the 1970s, Malay exasperation with military recruitment and discrimination polices reached an all-time high. Even without official data, Malay parents knew that their children alone were not called upon to serve. Malay officers and (non-commissioned officers) who had been transferred from field command positions to the logistics corps were also frustrated. Nearly every officer knew that military units had informal quotas on Malays.”
Though pleas were made to Malay leaders to change things, the figures of the day didn’t help ease the malaise. They stated that Malay youth lacked education and couldn’t speak English well (even though drafted Chinese Hokkien youth were the same). They argued that the government didn’t have enough facilities to train Malay soldiers (even though race should make no difference to when it comes to military training).
It may not be much of an issue today, but the impact of Singapore’s blatant exclusion of Malays in the service back then was severe. Tania Li argues in her book Malays in Singapore: Culture, Economy, and Ideology that it left the Malay community behind in socio-economic standing.
“There was an unfortunate side effect to the non-recruitment of Malays into National Service. Employers in Singapore are generally unwilling to recruit or train young male workers who have not completed National Service or obtained exemption papers as these youths can be called up at any time. Since Malays were not officially exempted from National Service, Malay youths were unable to obtain apprenticeships or regular jobs, and many were forced into an extended limbo period of about 10 years from ages 14 to 24 … (this) was in part responsible for the high percentage of Malay youths who became involved in heroin abuse during the late 1970s”.
Peled repeats similar sentiments.
“Malay servicemen were pushed out of the military, and young Malays found that the military doors, once their prime avenue for social mobility and a promising career, were firmly closed. Years of exclusion resulted in social bitterness, frustration and a major collision between the state and its principal ethnic minority group”.
The silent ostracizing did not last, fortunately. Policies were eventually eased as the Malaysian invasion threat diminished, and Malay citizens were slowly integrated into the military. By the 1980s, more Malays were being posted in sensitive positions, including the Commando Battalion, while more began graduating as officers.
The memories of the past however are hard to erase, and for former Straits Times’ senior political correspondent Ismail Kassim, the ongoing NS50 campaign did nothing but revive painful memories. Nonetheless, he asserts that it’s a good time for the government to make amends for the past wrongdoings.
“Surely it is not beyond the ability of the present star-studded scholar-leaders to think of some way to assuage the hurt of the past.”
SINGAPORE HAS DELARED HALIMAH YACOB THE COUNTRY’S NEW PRESIDENT, CONGRATULATIONS. Halimah Yacob, a 63 year old Malay woman has been declared Singapore's new president. Halimah Yacob who will be the country's eighth president and first female president was the only candidate qualified for the post.
As an ideological apparatus, state multiracialism in Singapore brackets our cultural identities into the neat and static categories of the CMIO framework. This development of what Michael Barr has termed ‘ethnic silos’ has significant repercussions on issues of identity and representation. In tandem with the limited spaces for cultural autonomy and articulation, state multiracialism tends to reify dominant representations and obscure the internal heterogeneity of each cultural community.
As such, we are pleased to embark on exploring the latent narratives within Malay society, to uncover and recover different threads of identities, memories, stories, beliefs, and orientations that were hitherto hidden beneath the M of CMIO.
The title of the series is derived from a Malay “turn of phrase”: “yang tersurat dan tersirat”. Loosely translated, it plays on the distinction between the textually explicit and the implicit, echoing our attempt to read between the lines of statist and dominant narratives. We aim to foreground alternative ideas, experiences, and stories that have so far percolated beneath the public face of contemporary Malay society, as well as mull over future trajectories and directions – including those that were once possible.
The essays fall into three themes. The first set of essays deconstructs two sites of heritage. Alfian Saat reflects on the Film gallery in the National Museum and the significance of the absences in the Malay film montage presented. Khairulanwar Zaini analyses the Malay Heritage Centre, and the contesting discursive imperatives which shape the exhibits.
The second set of essays relooks at alternative historical narratives. Fadli Fawzi discusses the significance of the absence of the Malay Left in the present national consciousness. Nurhaizatul Jamil examines the life of Shamisah Fakeh, a prominent figure in Malaya’s struggle for independence. Fairoz Ahmad highlights the elements of ideological and utopian thinking in Al Imam, the first reformist Muslim journal in Southeast Asia, based in Singapore.
The third set of essays critically examines contemporary ideas in the Malay Muslim community. Hazirah Mohamad shows how the cultural deficit thesis is reproduced in mass media to construct images of Malay youth delinquency in the local production Hanyut. Annaliza Bakri postulates how a narrow understanding of culture has shaped Singapore’s Malay language policy.
While the essays cover a wide range of issues, they are hardly the final verse of an ongoing and complex litany. Rather it is hoped that the contributions help shed a more nuanced light on the rich tapestry that is the Malay community.
Fadli Fawzi is an associate tutor at the Singapore Institute of Management. He is also doing his Juris Doctor at the Singapore Management University.
Khairulanwar Zaini is a teaching assistant at the National University of Singapore.
New Post has been published on http://www.therakyatpost.com/news/2014/11/24/pak-samad-isma-want/
Pak Samad: What more does Isma want?
KUALA LUMPUR, Nov 24, 2014:
With recent controversial statements issued by Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (Isma), national laureate Datuk A. Samad Said claims that the group is acting on behalf of a “certain power”.
When probed by The Rakyat Post to respond to Isma president Abdullah Zaik Abd Rahman’s claims that it is healthy for the Malay community to feel their race is under threat, Samad questioned the group’s motive.
“What more do they (Isma) want? (Do they want) absolute power to feel safe?” the Negara-Ku patron asked the Muslim non-governmental organisation.
On Nov 15, in an interview on Malaysiakini, Samad had rubbished the group’s claims that the Malay community was under threat and said that the community had been in power since the country had achieved independence in 1957.
The very next day, Abdullah claimed that Malays were once a powerful community that subsequently became divided and had their land taken away.
He went on to allege that Malays were still targeted by “greedy forces” and that they were under threat. He then asked what had happened to Pak Samad.
The 79-old-year, however, stood his ground.
“I still believe it is not healthy to feel fearful.”
