#new mandala

[indizombie]

The eruption of violence in Rakhine state in Myanmar is the manifestation of a long and complex history that cannot be reduced down to a single factor. It is the messy result of: the colonial use of Rohingya in the post Japanese V-force, Rakhine resentment of the Burmese state, India-cum-East Pakistan-cum Bangladesh’s own conflicts and persecution of Myanmar’s Rohingya, post-independence Rohingya rebellion, Rakhine Buddho-fascism, and political exploitation of Rakhine the issue by national politicians garnering anti-Muslim sentiment.

Tim Frewer, ‘Fascist assemblages in Cambodia and Myanmar’, New Mandala

[silverstitchsblog]

I drew and embroider a new mandala. Working moments 

[southeastasianists]

Securing the electoral success of women in Malaysia Baharu - New Mandala

Despite female politicians’ ambivalence about gender quotas, they remain an essential tool in making politics more representative.

The historic triumph of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition in Malaysia’s 14th general election (GE14) in May 2018 was premised on an ambitious manifesto, which included a promise to achieve a minimum of 30% female representation in state and federal government. However, despite an increase in the proportion of women in the federal parliament—to 14.9% from 10.8% after the prior election in 2013—the PH coalition has failed to meet its manifesto pledge, and Malaysia continues to rank poorly in global indexes for women’s political representation and gender equality. As of 2019, there are 33 women in federal parliament (14.9%), 5 female Ministers (17.8%), 4 female Deputy Ministers (14.8%) and 9 women in Cabinet (16.4%).

The critical mass of 30% female representation in politics is typically taken as an axiomatic goal in democratic societies and quotas are deployed globally to accomplish it. But this paper reveals that few of the elected women MPs are unequivocally supportive of the gender quotas in elections. In spite of this, this paper identifies the important role of demand for female representatives, and of formal institutions, in the selection and electoral success of women MPs in Malaysia.

[southeastasianists]

“We try to not be Thai”: the everyday resistance of ethnic minorities - New Mandala

How two ethnic minority groups, the Lisu and the Maniq, continue to challenge the Thai state's sovereignty

Surrounded by low-hanging clouds, mud and chickens in a village deep in the northern hills, a young woman tells me, “We are not Thai and we try not to be Thai. Sometimes I find myself talking to my family in Thai and I think, ‘No, try to be Lisu’”. Katima is an activist and member of one of Thailand’s myriad ethnic minorities. The Lisu people are spread across Thailand’s northern hills, deep into north-eastern Burma and southern China. They are a stateless people with language, culture, religion and practices that are completely distinct from any of the national states that envelope them.

Down the road sits the local government office. Built around 20 years ago, it marked the first formal governing presence in the lives of the local people. “When I was a kid, we used to have no hospitals, no schools, no government,” Katima tells me. Today the office is coated in flags and murals dedicated to the monarchy and nation-state. Those who work in the office are not locals, but Thai people brought in to govern the Lisu population. The same is true of the teachers in the local government schools: Thai civil servants assigned to teach the national curriculum. There has also been a concerted effort to build Buddhist temples in these more remote areas, which serve to supplement and eventually replace the animist spiritual beliefs held and practised by the local people.

This extension of the state is a clear and direct plan originating from 20th-century policies of ‘Thaification’ formulated by the central government. Beginning in 1933, dictator Plaek Phibunsongkhram oversaw a massive nationalist overhaul of the state’s relationship towards ethnic minorities. Notable policies included harshly enforcing the Thai language in the education system, reinforcing the relationship between the monarchy and population, and issuing the 12 Core Values—a kind of nationalist guide to ideal ‘Thai’ behaviour, ways of living and etiquette.

Another young Lisu woman, who wanted to go unnamed, describes government involvement in Lisu life as a negotiation. “We accept some of the things the government offers us, like schools, hospitals, temples. But we are still Lisu … The defiance is at home and in the community, where we will continue to do our customs and live our own way of life. We won’t really assimilate”. Most local people don’t feel the government has any influence over them.

[accuratepicuresofanthropologists]

Joel S. Kahn, via New Mandala

[kritilektwal]

Duterte’s enduring popularity is not just a political choice — it is also religious - New Mandala

Jayeel Cornelio and Erron Media explore how religious perceptions feeds into Duterte's popularity.

In this New Mandala* article, Dr Jayeel Serrano Cornelio and I explore religious dimension of the popular support for President Duterte's War on Drugs. From our interviews with different religious leaders, we argue that there is a theological underpinning behind the inaction and silence of many religious leaders toward the drug campaign in the Philippines.

________________________________________________________

*New Mandala gives anecdote, analysis, and new perspectives on social, economic, and political issues in Southeast Asia. It is hosted by Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs - Australian National University (ANU)

[mediaintelijen]

New Post has been published on INTELIJEN

New Post has been published on http://www.intelijen.co.id/jokowi-pedagang-dan-raja-pencitraan-untuk-ketemu-obama-gunakan-broker-asing/

“Jokowi Pedagang dan Raja Pencitraan, Untuk Ketemu Obama Gunakan Broker Asing”

intelijen – Presiden Joko Widodo yang memanfaatkan konsultan asal Singapura, Pereira International PTE LTD, dengan membayar US$80.000 atau setara Rp1 miliar hanya untuk bertemu Presiden AS Barack Obama, menunjukkan kemampuan Jokowi dan “timnya” sangat parah dalam berdiplomasi.

Kesimpulan itu disampaikan pengamat politik Muslim Arbi dalam pernyataan kepada intelijen (09/11). “Harusnya tanpa konsultan yang berbayar. Kalau membayar konsultan, berarti diplomasi Indonesia sangat buruk tidak bisa tembus ke Gedung Putih. Pertemuan Jokowi- Obama hanya seremonial dan pencitraan saja. Maka tak salah ada yang menyebut Jokowi hanya pedagang dan raja pencitraan,” ungkap Muslim.

Kata Muslim, terbongkarnya skandal itu semakin menunjukkan Jokowi tidak punya kapasitas sebagai Presiden RI dan tidak diakui oleh dunia internasional. “Menghadapi seorang pemimpin sebuah negara besar seperti Indonesia, tentunya AS punya kepentingan dan tanpa ada tim makelarnya,” ungkap Muslim.

Muslim juga menduga ada pejabat Indonesia yang meraih keuntungan dengan memanfaatkan jasa konsultan asal Singapura itu untuk mempertemukan Jokowi dengan Obama. “Namanya dagang, itu pasti ada komisinya, ini yang harus dibongkar, Komisi I DPR harus meminta keterangan pihak-pihak terkait seperti Menlu, Menkopulhukam,” papar Muslim.

Sebelumnya, sebuah perusahaan konsultan Singapura diketahui telah membayar US$80.000 atau setara Rp1 miliar kepada sebuah firma pelobi asal Las Vegas untuk membantu Presiden Joko Widodo mendapatkan akses ke Gedung Putih, dalam muhibah Presiden RI ke Amerika Serikat, akhir Oktober lalu.

Hal itu diungkapkan oleh Dr. Michael Buehler, dosen Ilmu Politik Asia Tenggara pada School of Oriental and African Studies di London. Buehler mengungkapkan hal tersebut melalui artikelnya yang dipublikasikan di situs New Mandala, pada Jumat (06/11).

Red

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