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“In Türkiye, to be untouchable, you either need to be a member of parliament or a Galatasaray football player.”
Per la pace serve la liberazione di Öcalan
Il processo di pace e società democratica, guidato dal leader Apo, continua a ricevere sostegno a livello internazionale. Esperti di vari ambiti sociali sottolineano nelle loro dichiarazioni che tale processo rappresenta un’opportunità storica per una soluzione democratica alla questione curda e per la democratizzazione della Turchia e richiamano l’attenzione sulla necessità che lo Stato turco si…
Akbelen’de Limak holdingin ormanı gaspına direnen Esra Işık bu konuşması nedeniyle tutuklanırken 12 kişinin ölümüne sebep olan Çetin Arkaş adlı PKK'lı serbest bırakıldı.
9 Ocak'ta Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan imzası ile Limak için 679 parsel için 'acele kamulaştırma' kararı alındı. Yaklaşık 4 milyon m2'lik alan asırlık köyleri de kapsıyor. İşte Esra Işık, açtıkları dava sürerken yapılan bu gaspa karşı çıktı. Sadece bundan dolayı tutuklandı.
İstiklal Kadınları Hareketi
Kandil ile Mücadelede Tarihi Dönüşüm ve Yeni Türkiye Vurgusu
Gazeteci Abdulkadir Selvi, Hürriyet’teki köşe yazısında önemli tespitlerde bulundu. Selvi, “PKK ile mücadelede tarihi gelişmeler yaşanıyor. Ancak bu gelişmelerin hak ettiği şekilde değerlendirildiği kanaatinde değilim,” sözleriyle durumu özetledi. 50 yıllık bir geçmişe sahip olan PKK, tüm uzantılarıyla birlikte yok edilirken; ABD’nin Suriye’de kurdurmak istediği SDG-YPG terör devleti tarihin çöp…
Kandil ile Mücadelede Tarihi Dönüşüm ve Yeni Türkiye Vurgusu
Gazeteci Abdulkadir Selvi, Hürriyet’teki köşe yazısında önemli tespitlerde bulundu. Selvi, “PKK ile mücadelede tarihi gelişmeler yaşanıyor. Ancak bu gelişmelerin hak ettiği şekilde değerlendirildiği kanaatinde değilim,” sözleriyle durumu özetledi. 50 yıllık bir geçmişe sahip olan PKK, tüm uzantılarıyla birlikte yok edilirken; ABD’nin Suriye’de kurdurmak istediği SDG-YPG terör devleti tarihin çöp…
ABD MADURO YU YATAĞINDAN ALIYOR TÜRKİYE PKK LİDERLERİNİ YAKALAYAMIYOR - KENDİME YAZILARIM
PKK Örgüt liderleri neden yakalanamıyor ...
Türkiye PKK liderlerini neden yakalayamıyor, yada yakalamıyor mu? ABD, binlerce kilometre uzakta bir ülkenin liderini halkına “sen rahat ol, biz hallederiz” kolaylığında alıp götürebiliyor. Türkiye ise sınırına dayanmış, yeri az çok belli örgüt liderleri konusunda yıllardır “operasyonel zorluklardan bahsediyor.
Report: Child Recruitment and the SDF's 'Revolutionary Youth' Network in Northeast Syria
An investigation by Verify-Sy examines the recruitment and ideological indoctrination of Syrian Kurdish children linked to PKK-aligned networks. About the Source: Verify-Sy This report is republished from Verify-Sy, an independent Syrian fact-checking and investigative platform known for its rigorous documentation of abuses committed by all parties to the Syrian conflict. Founded by Syrian journalists and researchers, Verify-Sy has built its excellent reputation on evidence-based verification, open-source investigations, and forensic analysis. Its work has exposed crimes and violations by the Assad regime, ISIS, armed opposition groups, and other parties without fear or favour. Verify-Sy’s team have themselves been targeted for their work. Members of the team faced threats, harassment, and persecution by the Assad regime, as well as by the so-called Islamic State, (which kidnapped Verify-Sy founder, Ahmad Primo and held him hostage), underscoring the platform’s independence from any armed faction or political camp. The following report, originally published in Arabic by Verify-Sy on January 31, 2026, examines the continued recruitment of minors by the so-called 'Revolutionary Youth Movement' (Ciwanen Şoreşger), a PKK-linked structure operating in areas under the control of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The text is presented here in English translation, with no editorial additions or alterations beyond formatting. 'The Qandil Sirat': The SDF Bridge Linking Syrian Kurdish Children to the ‘Hell’ of the PKK By Rafi BraziPublished: 31 January 2026Last updated: 31 January 2026 The announcement of an agreement to end the conflict between the Syrian government and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) by integrating the latter into one military division and three brigades has coincided with renewed attention on the continued activity of the “Revolutionary Youth Movement” (Ciwanen Şoreşger), which persists in recruiting minors to supply the system with human manpower. An SDF obituary issued on 29 January 2026 for four adolescents killed while serving in its ranks exposes the continued role of the “Youth” movement in engineering recruitment operations and ideological indoctrination. This places the process of national integration before a real test: ending the phenomenon of the militarisation of childhood. “Ciwanen Şoreşger”: Organisational Structure and Systematic Recruitment Mechanisms The Revolutionary Youth Movement (Ciwanen Şoreşger) is considered the most radical ideological and executive arm linked to the SDF and subordinate to the centralised decision-making of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), as documented in the U.S. State Department’s 2024 Trafficking in Persons Report. The movement targets adolescents of both sexes starting from the age of 12 through a method known as “soft recruitment.” Children are approached in schools and sports fields and enticed to join educational or cultural courses or media workshops at special academies. In an attempt to provide legal cover for these activities, the SDF markets the movement internationally as an “independent civil organisation” and administratively places it under the umbrella of the “Youth and Sports Authority” affiliated with the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC). In practice, however, these sites later become incubators for coercive ideological mobilisation, paving the way for transferring victims to military training camps in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. Human rights data reflect the scale of the ongoing tragedy. The Syrian Network for Human Rights has documented approximately 623 cases of child recruitment by the SDF and its affiliated organisations between 2011 and 2023. Around 296 of these children remain completely unaccounted for inside closed camps, cut off from any contact with their families. The system exploits the existence of “Child Protection Offices” affiliated with the Autonomous Administration as a legal and diplomatic façade to project an image of compliance with international standards before the United Nations. Field realities, however, show that these offices lack any real authority to monitor Revolutionary Youth camps or audit their records. Manufacturing the “Heval” The process relies on the allure of symbolic ranks granted to the child as a “Heval” (comrade), a title marketed as a national honour that elevates the adolescent’s status. On the media level, the movement uses platforms affiliated with the Autonomous Administration to promote a militarised discourse linking youth to transnational symbols and figures such as Abdullah Öcalan. Obituaries and commemorative events organised by the movement—such as those memorialising “Chia Rizgar” and “Ronahi Amanos”—demonstrate the systematic exploitation of images of deceased minors to stimulate further recruitment. A Danish Fact-Finding Mission report issued in June 2024 confirmed that the Revolutionary Youth Movement targets adolescents in northeast Syria from the age of 13, exploiting economic vulnerability and family disputes to lure and recruit them. The report explained that the process depends on ideological indoctrination aimed explicitly at severing children’s ties with their families and replacing them with loyalty to the organisation, with particular focus on recruiting minors in displacement camps and among groups lacking social protection. It also noted the movement’s involvement in transferring these recruits to PKK camps in mountainous regions outside Syria, such as Qandil and Sinjar, transforming these young cadres into combat tools within extended ideological conflicts. The camps implement a policy of “total isolation” through closed ideological courses lasting a minimum of 30 days, supervised by specialists tasked with embedding the organisation’s worldview into the consciousness of minors, according to Kurdish affairs expert Osman Hasso. The process begins by exploiting psychological distress and tempting recruits with incentives, then ends with enforced isolation and threats of imprisonment or death, ensuring the complete reconfiguration of the child’s consciousness and convincing them that return is impossible. The Declared “Manifesto”: Revolutionary Youth Through Its Own Literature Official issues of Ciwanen Şoreşger magazine present a self-definition that goes beyond traditional youth activities. Issue 11 (July 2022) highlights organic affiliation with the PKK’s central leadership through a permanent section titled “Leader Apo,” dedicated to Abdullah Öcalan’s texts. Figures such as “Ali Çiçek” are presented as “symbols of youth” under the slogan: “With the will and youth of Ali Çiçek, we will guarantee the victory of the revolution.” This discourse is accompanied by a section titled “The History of Betrayal,” which directly attacks the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), placing youth in direct ideological confrontation with other political forces in the region and shaping their consciousness around a binary of “loyalty and betrayal” as defined by the party. The movement’s tasks include targeting offices of the Kurdish National Council and its affiliated parties. Dozens of cases have been documented in which Ciwanen Şoreşger groups raided these offices in Qamishli, Amuda, Derbasiyah, and elsewhere, vandalising and burning them completely using Molotov cocktails. Issue 12 (August 2022) shifts decisively toward entrenching the doctrine of “mountain warfare,” opening with references to the “spirit of the first bullet” and the legacy of commander “Agit,” asserting that “the unparalleled war in the mountains of Kurdistan builds thousands daily on the path of the martyrs.” Texts such as “With the Spirit of the Victory of 15 August, Come to the Trench of Freedom” call on Kurdish youth in Syria to emulate this combat ethos and link their daily struggle to military missions in the mountains, effectively turning the movement’s ideology into a bridge connecting urban centres in northeast Syria with distant battlefronts in Iraq and Turkey. Beyond official pathways, the rugged mountainous terrain and porous borders facilitate clandestine smuggling routes supervised by experts in difficult terrain. Issue 14 (October 2022) elaborates on the “role of the commune in revolutionary people’s war,” transforming community organisations into instruments of field mobilisation. It features images and stories of “martyrs” such as “Bawar Akar,” “Ruken,” and “Sara,” chronicling their journeys from Syrian cities to battlefronts under the title “In the Era of Sacrifice.” This emphasis on “self-sacrifice” aims to shape a personality that rejects traditional family and social ties, elevating party comradeship as the supreme substitute. This provides moral justification for removing minors from school benches and directing them toward military “academies.” A cross-review of these issues shows that the movement seeks to construct a revolutionary personality that rejects what it calls “capitalist modernity” and “Kurdish degeneration,” instead adopting a totalising concept of freedom that passes through breaking the “Imrali walls” and engaging in what it terms the “Third World War.” Issue 4 (July 2021) of Revolutionary Youth magazine reveals the practical pathway for transferring Syrian adolescents to external battlefronts. It presents the fighter “Saria Jiya” (Saria Mahmoud), from a family originally from Ayn al-Arab/Kobani and born in Damascus, as an official example of exporting cadres to the “Mountains of Kurdistan.” According to the text, her journey began with joining the movement in 2016 and ended with her fighting in the “Avashin” area of northern Iraq within the Free Women’s Units (YJA-STAR), indicating that the Revolutionary Youth Movement functions as a rear supply base providing fighters to the PKK’s “Zagros Hawks” operations against Turkish forces in Avashin, Metina, and Zap in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The magazine further legitimises “alienation from civil society” through ideological discourse portraying ordinary life under the “capitalist system” as a form of enslavement, contrasted with the glorification of the “dignified and happy life” allegedly found only among guerrilla ranks in the mountains. The term “guerrilla” refers to fighters affiliated with the PKK, who rely on guerrilla warfare tactics, mountain fortifications, and tunnel systems. The magazine explicitly links the organisation of “revolutionary people’s war” with a “cultural revolution,” clarifying that the true aim of the movement’s cultural and educational activities in northeast Syrian cities is the militarisation of adolescents’ imagination and their psychological preparation for the transition from classrooms to mountain trenches. Military operations in Avashin and Qandil are presented as the supreme reference point and identity for the region’s youth. Through this literature, the movement legitimises repression and attacks on opponents as “defence of the Leader’s path” and frames child recruitment as “liberation from individual enslavement” through dissolution into a transnational military entity. The security apparatus does not stop at encircling the child; it extends to intimidating families through direct threats, including imprisonment or liquidation if parents attempt to convey the truth to human rights organisations or relevant bodies. Kurdish Childhood Between Decree No. 13 and the Challenges of Military Integration The requirement to integrate the SDF into the Syrian state structure necessitates dismantling the Revolutionary Youth Movement and ending the phenomenon of cross-border “human fuel.” Recognition of Kurdish cultural rights under Decree No. 13 is meaningful only if it protects children from the militarisation of childhood and guarantees their right to education within official national institutions, away from “mobilisation academies” that have turned language and education into tools of ideological and military recruitment. This reality places the Syrian state before a decisive challenge: subjecting all military forces to strict legal oversight that prevents ideological PKK cadres from infiltrating educational institutions, and ensuring that recognition of identity does not become a gateway for recruiting minors into conflicts that do not serve the national interest. Read the full article
