#wacl

[jbaileyfansite]

Jonathan Bailey with Claire Sadler at the WACL Autumn Dinner in London (September 30, 2025) [x]

[notda1lyjoeyjord1son]

[milkboydotnet]

After the collapse of the Marcos regime in 1986, the Philippine military’s rediscovery of more conventional pacification methods coincided with codification of a special warfare doctrine by its main ally. In July 1986 the U.S. Army’s Command and General Staff College published its Field Circular: Low Intensity Conflict with a detailed explanation of the new tactics that the Philippine military embraced with apparent enthusiasm. While conventional military science applies maximum firepower against an enemy, LIC “is often characterized by constraints on the weaponry… and the level of violence” since counterinsurgency is above all “the art and science of developing. . . political, economic, psychological and military powers of a government." At the core of the formal LIC doctrine was a combination of social reform and unconventional military procedures, fusing appropriate force with “psychological operations.” Without “unduly disrupting the cultural system,’ the host government should “broaden the bases of political power through education and health programs.” Beyond such psywar and civic action, the Field Circular also advocated “eliminating or neutralizing the insurgent leadership” — words that repressive third world militaries could readily construe as a recommendation for selective assassination. Only months after the doctrine’s release, President Reagan reportedly signed a “finding” that authorized a two-year, $10 million CIA counterinsurgency effort in the Philippines. Reflecting the administration’s reliance on privatized covert operations, the Philippines, like El Salvador and Nicaragua, suddenly experienced a proliferation of Christian anticommunist propaganda and paramilitary death squads. Throughout 1987, Filipino anticommunist activists received a remarkable array of foreign visitors: Gen. John Singlaub (ret.), a former CIA officer who now headed the U.S. chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL); Dr. John Whitehall, a representative of the Christian Anti-Communist Crusade; and agents of the Reverend Sun Myung Moon’s anticommunist CAUSA. During his visit to Manila, General Singlaub, earlier identified with death squad activity in South Vietnam and Central America, met CIA station chief Norbert Garrett, AFP chief of staff Fidel Ramos, and Gen. Luis Villareal, head of both the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency and WACL’s Philippine chapter. Their recommendations found a receptive audience in Aquino’s government, particularly from Interior Secretary Jaime Ferrer, who had used CIA funds to organize election monitors in the 1950s and was now promoting armed vigilantes. The Reagan administration also showed strong “animosity toward the liberal approach” to land reform, allying with conservatives in the Aquino cabinet to block any serious land redistribution. In this same volatile period, Col. James N. Rowe, commander of the green beret training program at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, arrived in Manila to head the army detachment within the Joint U.S. Military Advisory Group. As a veteran of U.S. Army Special Forces operations in Vietnam, where he was famed for escaping after five years in a Vietcong prison camp, Rowe was uniquely qualified to revitalize the country’s counterinsurgency after a decade of decline under Marcos. Indeed, the posting of this top special warfare expert—who was intense, disciplined, and militantly anticommunist—was a strong sign of Washington’s renewed interest in the Philippines. During his year in Manila in 1988 -89, Rowe, according to the Manila Times, “worked closely with the CIA and was involved in a program to penetrate the NPA and the Communist Party of the Philippines which were both undergoing massive ideological upheavals that resulted in bloody purges.’ A Filipino security specialist described him as “clandestinely involved in the organization of anti-communist death squads like Alsa Masa and vigilante groups patterned after “Operation Phoenix’ in Vietnam which had the objective of eliminating legal and semi-legal mass activists.”

Alfred W. McCoy, Policing America's Empire: The United States, the Philippines, and the Rise of the Surveillance State

[reportsofawartime]

[zvaigzdelasas]

The World Anticommunist League (WACL): Origins, Structures and Actions

There is a type of militant, no-compromise anti-communism that can be referred to as “fighting anticommunism”. Many of the groups that adopt

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

Jean-François Boyer’s book on the Moonies is one of the most striking pieces of investigative writing

Book review by Professor R.W. Johnson emeritus fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, where he taught politics and sociology for many years.

L’Empire Moon [in French] by Jean-Francois Boyer. La Découverte, 419 pp., August 1986

...

https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v08/n22/r.w.-johnson/rising-moon

Jean-François Boyer’s book on the Moonies is one of the most striking pieces of investigative writing that I have read for a long time. It tells the story of how Sun Myung Moon (his American name – his real name was Yong Myung Mun [ 文龍明,  龍 = yong = dragon]), from his origins as a North Korean peasant, has built a politico-religious empire with an annual revenue of over half a billion dollars (making it one of the world’s largest 50 private corporations). The young Moon seems to have been an ordinary enough peasant child until, at least, the age of 14, when his father, shaken by a series of family disasters which saw several of his children fall mentally ill, had the family converted to Christianity. But this domestic crisis was overshadowed by the terrible national disaster of Japanese occupation and annexation. The context was ripe for messianism. The Buddhists, among whom Moon had grown up, hoped desperately for a new Buddha to lead them, Moses-like, out of their cruel new subjugation, while Korean Christians believed Armageddon was nigh and looked likewise for a Redeemer. Sure enough, Jesus appeared to the 16-year-old Moon and informed him that he was the chosen man, thus making him one of the hundred-plus messiahs Korea had spawned in only a century.

According to Moon’s official biography, he then gained a degree as an electrical engineer at Waseda University in Japan (though the university has no record that he was ever a student).

▲ The Unification Church of Japan forged a Waseda University graduation certificate for Sun Myung Moon. They used the name Moon used during the Japanese colonial period.

What is certain is that he had become a strong Korean nationalist. In 1944 he was arrested by the Japanese Police [in Seoul, never in Japan] and imprisoned and tortured for anti-Japanese activities, but the outbreak of peace allowed him to return to Pyongyang, marry and, for the first time, proclaim himself the new messiah. According to his official biography, it was his initial success in gathering followers that led jealous Christian rivals to denounce him to the new Communist authorities, leading to further imprisonment and torture in a ‘re-education’ camp. Moon was certainly interned for a year but Korean Christian researchers claim to have established that actually he had contracted a bigamous marriage, asserting that God had authorised him to do so. History, once again, violently intervened: the Korean War broke out, [the camp guards released Moon and fled before] the camp was overrun by the US Army, and Moon ended up a free man in Seoul, his aggrieved nationalism now directed against the Communists, whom he held responsible for the division of Korea. In May 1954 Moon finally founded his Unification Church.

Moon has always made extreme demands on his followers: they are enjoined to give up everything on becoming members of his flock, and have to work long hours for no pay – engaging in a plethora of activities to raise funds for the Church. They are celibate, eat little and take part in long monotonous hours of praying, chanting and singing. Inevitably, this quickly led to accusations that Moon was applying the same brain-washing techniques to which he had been subjected in his North Korean re-education camp. In 1955 the Syngman Rhee regime arrested several Moonie leaders (including Moon, as a draft-dodger), alleging ‘the illegal detention of persons’. [Moon held Soon-shil Choi against her will for three days and starved her in an attempt to retain her in his church. She was a 22-year-old university student and her father was very wealthy and the owner of a large corporation.] Somewhat mysteriously – for there was no doubt about the draft-dodging – Moon was released all smiles and uncharged. [The UC of Korea later forged a certificate of innocence. See below.] The case was a turning-point all the same: Moon seems to have concluded that he needed to make powerful friends and now began to direct his attentions towards the real power in South Korea, the military.

▲ For starters the dates are all wrong, Moon was sentenced to two years in jail on September 21, 1955. This is not a document produced by the Seoul Superior Court. LINK

Moon’s recruits among the young Turks of the South Korean Army were to play a decisive role. Most notable of all was a young major, Bo-Hi Pak, who has almost become Moon’s co-equal in the movement. Pak, with several other young officers, was the intermediary between the Moonies and Kim Jong-Pil, the architect of the 1961 coup d’état which replaced Syngman Rhee with President Park Chung-Hee – and made Kim Jong-Pil prime minister. Straight after the coup Kim Jong-Pil, with the help of the CIA, set up the KCIA, which, from that day to this, has remained the real power centre of the Korean regime. One key Moonie sympathiser, [Kim Sang-In aka] Steve Kim, left the Army immediately to join the KCIA and became Kim Jong-Pil’s indispensable aide, acting as the intermediary between the KCIA and CIA. Another young Moonie officer, [Han Sang-Keuk] aka Bud Han, also became an assistant to the premier/KCIA chief, acting, for example, as his interpreter with President Kennedy, before launching on a successful ambassadorial career. A third important KCIA Moonie was Han Sang-Kil, who became military attaché at the Washington Embassy.

All these young officers were fluent Anglophones, and major links in the tight CIA-KCIA nexus. All four are today to be found at the very summit of the Moonie movement. Bo-Hi Pak heads the movement’s American press operation, News World Communication Inc., where he is seconded by Steve Kim. Bud Han helps run the Moonies’ most important newspaper, the Washington Times, while Sang Kil Han is Moon’s private secretary, supervises the education of his children, and helps organise the mass wedding ceremonies (where Moon marries up to six thousand couples at once) for which the Moonies are famous. (One of the biggest of these took place in 1982 in Madison Square Garden. [It was 2,075 couples, which was followed by 5,800 couples in Seoul later that year.] In effect, Moon’s strategy was to attempt to make himself indispensable to the Seoul regime, the KCIA, the CIA and the American Right, apparently on the assumption that with patrons as powerful as these he would be safe from further harassment. Certainly, the fanatical anti-Communism of the Moonies (‘some say Communism is soluble in Coca-Cola, but it is only soluble in napalm’) dates from this dramatic move into the world of politics and the intelligence services.

Thereafter, the Moonies grew fast in both numbers and respectability. When Bo Hi Pak set up the Korean Cultural Foundation for Freedom (one of innumerable Moonie front organisations), he was able to get ex-Presidents Truman and Eisenhower to accept its honorary presidency. Naturally, this opened doors for the Moonie fronts throughout the US, and they were soon sending out fund-raising appeals signed by numerous respectable citizens and Hollywood stars. Back in Korea, the Moonies set up the Seoul Freedom Centre to host the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League (using money gathered from the American Right) and founded Radio Free Asia, whose programming was controlled by the KCIA’s psychological warfare section. Soon it became hard to know where the Moonies began and where the South Korean Government ended. Thus Bo Hi Pak continued to travel on a diplomatic passport long after he had ceased to hold an official post; the Moonies were given free use of the state-owned radio transmitters and the franchise to sell official commemorative coins in the US; Moon himself was treated by the Seoul authorities as of equal status with a visiting head of state, and Korean leaders from the Prime Minister down were to be seen as guests of honour at mass Moonie ceremonies. Mickey Kim, a leading KCIA executive and former counsellor at the Washington Embassy worked simultaneously as one of President Park’s bodyguards and director of the Moonies’ own internal law-and-order force. The Moonie children’s ballet group, the Little Angels (patron, Dwight D. Eisenhower), travelled the world as a quasi-diplomatic operation – dancing at the 1968 Mexico Olympics, for example, and at the celebrations to mark the 50th anniversary of Turkey’s independence.

The money necessary to the Moonies’ growing political and cultural activities was generated, not only from the unpaid labour of thousands of brainwashed militants, but from a spreading ring of Moonie enterprises. Symbolically enough, the first such operation was a gun factory, and soon the Moonie Tong Il group gained a key role in the Korean defence industry. In 1966 Tong Il obtained the official American franchise to make M16 assault rifles in Korea, though on the strict condition that the weapons not be exported. Moon’s own cousin ran this enterprise and somehow by the mid-Seventies these Moonie-made M16s were being exported all over the world. Tong Il was soon making car and truck components, M60 machine-guns, M79 grenade-launchers, the Vulcan anti-aircraft gun, and much else besides.

▲ Vulcan gun mounted on a fighter. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/M61_Vulcan

(Boyer records the claim of the British military attaché in Seoul in 1985 that he had a two-page list of Moonie companies working in the Korean defence industry.) But soon the Moonies had branched out into agricultural machinery, machine tools (by 1985 they had taken over two West German machine-tool manufacturers), the titanium industry, pharmaceuticals, fishing, the import-export business, printing, steel, agricultural products and banking. These interests are organised under a plethora of labels (including such typical Moonie appellations as One Up Inc., Uniworld and Happy World Inc.), and Boyer does a heroic job in trying to enumerate them – by 1985 there were 118 such companies in the US alone. There have been large and repeated tax scandals relating to many of these enterprises, for the Moonie leadership seems to feel that it is wrong that their operations should have to pay tax at all. In addition to the enormous volume of funds generated in this way, Moon is also able to rely on the formidable efforts of his Mobile Fund-Raising Teams. Moon long maintained that his mission was to rebuild the Kingdom of God in Korea: but the world opened up first by access to the moneybags of the American Far Right, and then by the growing weight of the Moonie commercial empire, led to a strategic re-siting of this divine intention. In 1970 Moon formally transferred his base to the US and henceforth the main fruits of his financial empire have been poured into Moonie activities there.

Moon immediately set out to win the hearts and minds of the Washington establishment. Friendly links were rapidly established with the various components of the Moral Majority – especially the Mormons: when Moon was jailed for tax evasion his most energetic defenders were Senator Orrin Hatch (Utah) and Congressman George Hansen (Idaho), both Mormons. Jerry Falwell, the Moral Majority leader, joined in the Moonie chorus that Moon’s imprisonment was a violation of religious liberty. Congressmen and Senators were bombarded with offers of free hospitality at the Washington Hilton. Moonies were soon to be found lobbying away and offering their services in the corridors of power: some of the Moonie ‘sisters’ even gained permanent jobs on Capitol Hill, notably Susan Bergman, who became an assistant to the House Speaker, Carl Albert. Before long various Moonie front organisations had won the willing patronage of numerous conservative Congressmen and Senators – including Robert Michel, the Republican Minority Leader, Barber Conable (now head of the World Bank) and Jesse Helms. The real high point came, however, when President Nixon, warmed by the Moonies’ unconditional support for him during Watergate, invited Moon to the White House, where the two men prayed together.

Nixon’s fall was a grievous blow to Moon, who immediately set out on a campaign of extreme right-wing agitation to reverse what he saw as the decline into leftism inaugurated by Watergate. The Moonie newspaper, Rising Tide, played a key role in these years in rallying the disparate elements of the American Right into the great crusade which was to culminate in Reagan’s election in 1980. Rising Tide was warmly greeted by Barry Goldwater and its columns featured articles by such luminaries of the conservative movement as Congressman Larry McDonald (head of the John Birch Society), Fred and Phyllis Schafly, Ray Cline (former deputy-director of the CIA), General Daniel Graham (now leader of the High Frontier – i.e. Star Wars – lobby) and Reed Irvine. Irvine brought a fresh raft of influential supporters into the Moonie milieu with his Accuracy in Media movement: among AIM’s patrons were William Simon, the former Treasury Secretary, Joseph Coors, the beer magnate and Reagan confidant, Claire Booth Luce, Jimmy Goldsmith and Richard Mellon-Scaife. Moon now felt confident enough to take on the hated New York Times by launching the New York News World and, in 1982, to take similar aim at the Washington Post by launching the Moonie Washington Times. The Washington Times alone loses $50 million a year and is the final destination of a large chunk of Moonie funds.

At this point disaster struck, in the shape of the Congressional Sub-Committee on Korean-American Relations, chaired by the liberal Minnesota Congressman, Donald Fraser. The Moonies have never fully recovered from the ‘Koreagate’ revelations that followed. Day after day the media regaled the public with the details of KCIA attempts to bribe Congressmen, intimidate Koreans living in the US, and use the Moonies cover for a wide range of interference in US political life. Two former KCIA directors were named as unindicted conspirators and the fall-out suddenly robbed Moon of much of the respectability he had so expensively achieved. The fact that the Moonies were able to help secure Fraser’s speedy exit from elective office was small compensation for the fact that even in Seoul the Moonies were now becoming something of an embarrassment. Suddenly the Little Angels could no longer get visas and large tax bills were presented to Moonie companies. Within the US, Moon’s own tax problems grew, culminating in a jail sentence for tax evasion [and document forgery – New York Times ]. Meanwhile a great clamour grew from anguished parents who accused the Moonies of ‘stealing’ their children, brain-washing them and turning them against their families. Several Moonies defected and told blood-curdling tales of the sect’s inner life. Perhaps most important of all, the Moonies’ cover was well and truly broken: the full list of front organisations (Causa, CARP, the KCFF, etc.) was exposed. Henceforth anyone who collaborated with the Moonies would have to do so knowingly.

But the machine held. The vast majority of Moonie activists remained fanatically loyal to ‘the New Messiah’. Some parents mounted dramatic missions to recapture their children; more didn’t, or failed. The Seoul regime slapped Moon’s wrist – but no more. Moon’s commercial empire remained intact and continued to churn out huge profits. These in turn guaranteed that Moon was able to remain a valuable asset to those whom he had befriended. The result has been a remarkable comeback. The key was Reagan’s election in 1980. Moon threw his immense resources into an all-out effort behind Reagan – who appeared on election night proudly brandishing the Moonie News World headlining his victory. Moon was invited as a VIP to Reagan’s inauguration. At last he had what he wanted: no mere Nixon in the crippled death-throes of his Presidency, but a strong, new and grateful friend in the White House with eight years ahead of him.

The Washington Times, under Bo Hi Pak’s guiding hand, rapidly became the focus of this new and unparalleled Moonie influence. William Simon, who had been one of Reagan’s chief fund-raisers in 1980, Jim Watts, Reagan’s Interior Secretary, and the Presidential counsellor, Claire Booth Luce, all agreed to accept honorific positions with the Times, which rapidly became the preferred house magazine of the Reagan Administration. The President himself has frequently counselled campaign audiences to read the Moonie paper and on being re-elected in 1984 accorded the first exclusive interview of his second term to it. Bo Hi Pak has been entertained in the White House by the President and in 1984 was awarded honorific ‘Eagle’ status by the Republican Party for his large donations to its cause. The paper itself took the hardest of hard-line positions on every issue: it is anti-détente, anti-arms control, pro-Contra, pro-South Africa. At the end of 1984 Reagan recruited one of the paper’s chief editorialists, Pat Buchanan, to become his main speech-writer. Buchanan was responsible for such egregious Reagan dicta as the assertion that the SS men buried at Bitburg were as much victims of Nazism as the Jews. Soon Buchanan ranked second only to Don Regan among the White House staff: even Moon could hardly have dreamt that he would achieve so much so soon.

The announced ambition of Bo Hi Pak is to make the Washington Times one of the ten great newspapers of the world with editions in every major language. This ambition suffered a setback when the paper’s editor, James Whelan, parted on bitter terms, alleging that all power on the paper was still concentrated among a handful of ex-KCIA Moonies. His replacement as editor was Arnaud de Borchgrave, a journalist long known for his extreme right-wing views and his sympathetic relationship with several Western intelligence services. De Borchgrave (who claims to be 16th in line of descent to the Belgian throne) had been named by the New York Times as one of the group of Western journalists to have received large cash sums from the Shah of Iran, and had had to leave his job on Newsweek when it was discovered that he was keeping files on his fellow journalists. (Like his close associate, Robert Moss, a former Thatcher speech-writer, de Borchgrave is obsessed with the infiltration of the Western press by alleged Soviet moles and has personally briefed President Reagan on the subject.) As early as 1982 de Borchgrave and the French conservative journalist, Jean-François Revel, now an Encounter columnist, had been star invitees at Moonie media conferences. Even at the salary he demanded ($300,000 a year) de Borchgrave was a natural choice.

One of de Borchgrave’s major coups was to launch the Nicaragua Freedom Fund in 1985 when Congress turned down funding for the Contras. Accusing Congress of treason to America, the Washington Times launched a large-scale private funding operation for the Contras, with dramatic ads signed by Jeane Kirkpatrick, Midge Decter, Michael Novak, Charlton Heston (who raised funds in Europe for the cause) and the usual right-wing backers. Bo Hi Pak led off the campaign – backed by Reagan ‘with all my heart’ – with a $100,000 contribution. Such gestures win the Moonies hearts and minds in Washington, as well as in the Central American jungles: few sights could better symbolise the extent to which Koreagate had been glossed over than that of Bo Hi Pak, Moon’s faithful number two, dining at the table of honour with the White House Chief of Staff, Don Regan, or welcoming Ronald and Nancy Reagan as guests of honour at Moonie-sponsored pro-Contra receptions – at a time when Moon himself was still in jail for tax evasion. De Borchgrave, for his part, is a familiar of such key Reaganauts as Ed Meese and the former National Security Adviser, Robert McFarlane, while McFarlane’s predecessor-but-one, Richard Allen – another star invitee at Moonie conferences – took a $100,000 fee to prospect the possibilities of an Asian edition of the Washington Times. Above all, de Borchgrave has privileged access to Reagan himself: he is, after all, the editor of the President’s favourite newspaper. Thus, immediately prior to his first summit with Gorbachev, it was de Borchgrave whom Reagan sought out for his advice on how best to confront the Soviets. His advice: ‘Don’t give an inch on SDI.’

Moon’s ambitions are not confined to America: ‘If we can manipulate at least seven nations, we’ll control the whole world ... In the camp of God, Korea, Japan, America, England, France, Germany and Italy are the nations on which I count in order to conquer the world.’ In fact, the bulk of the sect’s followers are in Korea, Japan and the US, but it is active in Africa and Europe, and especially in Latin America. To list the Moonies’ favoured contacts is to compile a sort of international Who’s Who of the Right. Bo Hi Pak has links with the Paraguayan dictator, General Stroessner (whom he has pronounced ‘a special man, elected by God to rule his country’ – which is just as well, for no one else has had the chance of electing him). The Moonies have strong links with the Bolivian military, too – indeed, Boyer cites material to suggest that the Moonies collaborated there with Klaus Barbie to organise the 1980 coup d’état. In Chile, the links are with Pinochet, accorded the signal honour of being compared with Moon himself as a ‘pillar of the struggle against international Communism’; in Argentina, with ultra-conservative Catholic bishops concerned to combat liberation theology and ‘the Marxist Alfonsin’ (the Moonies have bought up several Argentinian newspapers to further this cause); in Central America with a host of right-wing dictators, and the Contras. Boyer reports that Moonie insignia, tee-shirts and even converts are now a familiar sight in Contra and Miskito refugee camps.

Boyer is naturally fascinated with Moonie activities in France and details at length the long list of contacts with extreme French conservatives – the names of Jean-François Revel and Olivier Giscard d’Estaing (the ex-President’s brother) occur over and over again. But the Moonies’ closest and most intriguing links are with Le Pen’s Front National. Pierre Ceyrac, nephew of the former head of the French employers’ organisation and one of the most prominent Moonies in France, was accorded a leading place on the FN list in the 1986 elections. But, according to Boyer, the most striking example of a Moonie in politics is Gustave Pordéa, the ex-Rumanian diplomat who sits for the FN in the European Parliament. Boyer pours scorn on the Sunday Times allegations that Pordéa is a Rumanian Communist agent and suggests that, in effect, the Sunday Times reporter was an innocent taken for a ride by dissident elements within the FN. Certainly, Boyer is able to produce lengthy chapter and verse for Pordéa’s membership of the Moonies over a period of seven years. And there is no doubt that links between Le Pen and the Moonies go back a long way and that relations are close: in November 1986 Le Pen made a special trip to visit the Moonie leader in Japan. ... Similarly, the record of Moon, Bo Hi Pak and the Moonies in general is familiar enough: what on earth was the Pope playing at when he accorded an audience to Bo Hi Pak and other Moonie leaders (even being photographed with them) in December 1985? ...

__________________________________

ENGLISH

Moon’s activities in Central & South America https://tragedyofthesixmarys.com/moon-in-south-america/

Contents

1. Introduction 2. ‘Illegal Aliens Joining Moonies’ – The Pittsburg Press 3. Moon’s ‘Cause’ Takes Aim At Communism in the Americas – Washington Post 4. Moon in Latin America: Building the Bases of a World Organisation – Guardian by Jean-François Boyer and Alejandro Alem

__________________________________

FRENCH

« L’empire Moon » par Jean-François Boyer https://tragedyofthesixmarys.com/lempire-moon-jf-boyer/

3. Les Moon sont entrés dans Paris – CARP 1990 https://tragedyofthesixmarys.com/temoignages/

L’Express – 31 août 1990    p. 58-59

▲ Gil Cornevaux, secrétaire général de la mairie de Vélizy, négociant avec Patrick Jouan et Pierre Ceyrac, député européen du FN. Hyo Jin Moon, fils du révérend, qui présidait les « olympiades », à Vélizy.

__________________________________

SPANISH

‘El Imperio Moon’ por Jean-François Boyer https://tragedyofthesixmarys.com/el-imperio-moon-por-boyer/

__________________________________

[whatisonthemoon]

Sun Myung Moon Was A Genocidal Messiah

Sun Myung Moon had a very blunt and straightforward concept of a Messiah: Kill all your opponents quickly and efficiently and then found the Kingdom of God on Earth and in Heaven. All your killed enemies can be restored later in the spiritual world. So it is not really a big deal to kill all communists and left-leaning people because they are able to live further in the spiritual world, probably in hell because they are God’s (read: Sun Myung Moon’s) enemies. Sun Myung Moon was cooperating with the CIA through his Anti-Communist League WACL in secret military operations all over the world and was liquidating hundreds of thousands of people in Asia, Africa, South and Central America and Europe. Another as equally an efficient way was to kill all leftist people through drugs. During the Richard Nixon era at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s a great number of people who opposed the Vietnam war were young people, students and hippies. The CIA flooded American cities with marijuana and heroin and tried to subdue the anti-war protests by turning young people into drug addicts. Addicts are not interested any more in politics, their primary concern is only where to get their next shot. Sun Myung Moon together with Yakuza and WACL and the CIA funded their secret military operations through drug trade. In the 1980s the CIA flooded the black communities in South California with crack cocaine with the purpose to turn young people into controllable drug addicts. After that their rebellion against societal injustices and street demonstrations diminished and their activities became drug trade in the street gangs. Sun Myung Moon is guilty of genocides on a massive scale, his church is only a religious facade behind which he hides. “Put your sword in its place”, Jesus said to him, “for all who draw the sword will die by the sword.”(Matthew 26:52 NIV).

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

On Moon’s Political Network and their Deep Connections to Global Terrorism

Note: Every mention below of "Kim Tong Pil" is referring to Kim Jong Pil. Excerpt from The "Terrorism" Industry: The Experts and Institutions that Shape Our View of Terror by Edward Herman and Gerry O'Sullivan

Foreign governments within the Free World are also regularly engaged in the manufacture and distribution of information and propaganda on “terrorism,” and they all take essentially the same Free World line as that outlined by Shultz in 1984. All of them sponsor and covertly support private sector terrorism institutes, security firms, and experts. Some of these will be reviewed below in connection with our discussion of the private-sector institutions in Great Britain, Canada, Israel, and South Africa.

At this juncture we want to stress the international linkages and solidarity of the Western governments in their concern with terrorism. This is of special interest because many of the governmental participants and their individual agents are themselves notorious terrorists. We will see that the Reverend Sun Myung Moon’s Unification Church and its subsidiary organization, the Confederation of Associations for the Unification of the Americas (CAUSA), and the closely affiliated World Anti-Communist League (WACL), which are sponsored by and are sponsors of terrorist governments, organizations, and individuals, have numerous interlocks and other relationships with the U .S. and Israeli institutes and experts of the terrorism industry.

The Moon system is closely linked to the South Korean government and its intelligence agency, the KCIA, and the system is properly regarded as “an agent for the South Korean government. The Fraser Committee report of 1978 cited a CIA analysis which claimed that the longtime head of the KCIA, Kim Tong Pil, had "organized” the Unification Church and used it “as a political tool,” and the report itself details the mutually supportive relations between the Moon system and Kim Tong Pil and the KCIA. Moon’s longtime chief aide has been Colonel Bo Hi Pak, a former high official of the KCIA, while the church’s political arm, CAUSA, was founded in 1980 by Pak and Kim Sang In, who had been the KCIA’s station chief in Mexico. Moon’s funding has come in part from his share In state-controlled Korean businesses, including the Tong-il armaments company (which has done business with the Pentagon as well as serving the South Korean government).

The Moon organizations have cultivated ties with a large number of the world’s most notorious anti-Semites, terrorists, and regimes of terror. The executive director of CAUSA in 1981 was Warren Richardson, formerly general counsel for the anti-Semitic Liberty Lobby. CAUSA has held “anticommunist” seminars and established warm relations with military and death squad leaders in Paraguay, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina (before 1983), and Mexico, among others. During the height of state terror in Uruguay, in 1977-80, the Moon system invested heavily in hotels, newspapers, and the printing business in that country. After the fascist military putsch in Bolivia in July 1980, one of the first foreign “dignitaries” to arrive with greetings for the newly installed president, General Garda Meza, was CAUSA’s Bo Hi Pak. Nine months after the coup, on May 31, 1981, CAUSA held a celebratory conference in La Paz’s Sheraton Hotel where Pak declared that God had chosen Bolivia as the nation destined to “conquer communism” in Latin America. In 1983, after the ouster of Garda Meza, the Bolivian Ministry of the Interior claimed that the Unification Church had contributed $4 million to help plan and execute the coup. The church’s representative in Bolivia, Tom Ward, had maintained close and ongoing ties to Klaus Barbie, and served as a middleman for CIA payments to an Argentinian intelligence agent named Alfredo Mingolla in 1981.

Moon himself is openly contemptuous of democracy, and his organizations support repressive legislation and help fascists on a global basis, from Le Pen in France to the death squad leaders of Latin America. Within the United States, the Moon organizations have been important financial backers of Richard Viguerie, whose service in organizing the New Right was an important contribution to the rightward political drift of this country in the 1970s and 1980s. Clarkson makes a convincing case that “in coalition with right-wing secular and religious groups the Moon organization is attempting to create a broad-based mainstream fascist movement in America.” Moon’s dedicated anticommunism and enormous resources have given him a free hand to buy allies, subsidize right-wing causes, and acquire (and operate at a loss) newspapers and magazines in the United States and elsewhere in the Free World.

The forerunner of W ACL, the Asian People’s Anticommunist League, was organized in 1954 by the secret police of Taiwan and South Korea. At that time, Ray Cline was CIA station chief in Taiwan, and the league was very possibly a CIA project. The WACL itself, established in 1966, has always been a locus of activity of the extreme right. In addition to being founded by the right-wing regimes of Taiwan and South Korea, it has always included a very strong Nazi, fascist, and anti-Semitic contingent. The semifascist Moon system and CA USA have been important constituent members, and WACL has accommodated the “death squad right” of Latin America. The WACL power base in Japan centers in the Unification Church, two ex-fascists-Ryouchi Sasakawa and Yoshio Kodama, both class I Japanese war criminals of World War II-and organized crime.

The Latin American Anticommunist Confederation (CAL), organized in 1972 by the Political Warfare Department of Taiwan as a regional chapter of WACL, included the violently anti-Semitic neo-Nazi Mexican organization, the Tecos, and “within a short time some of the most notorious killers, sadists, drug traffickers, and terrorists in Latin America could be found under the CAL umbrella.” The 1975 Banzer Plan - named for Hugo Banzer, Bolivia’s right-wing dictator - to harass and murder activist and progressive laity, clergy, and bishops throughout Latin America, was put into effect in ten different countries through CAL initiatives, and scores of religious were murdered in the years that followed. In September 1980, the annual CAL conference was held in Argentina, presided over by General Suarez Mason, a central figure in the ongoing mass murder of the “Dirty War.” Also in attendance were Mario Sandoval Alarcon (who once declared, “I am a fascist”), the Guatemalan death squad leader, who was as well a guest at the 1980 Republican convention in Dallas; Garda Meza, the Bolivian dictator sponsored by the Argentinian junta and the Bolivian drug cartel; Salvadoran death squad leader Roberto D'Aubuisson; Stefano delle Chiaie, Italy’s most ‘wanted terrorist; and John Carbaugh, an aide to Senator Jesse Helms (and in 1984 an official U .S. observer testifying to the fairness of the Guatemalan election).

In 1984, WACL came under the leadership of retired U .S. Major General John Singlaub. Singlaub, who had been pushed into retirement during the Carter years for insubordination in opposing policies of which he disapproved, was a veteran of counterinsurgency warfare and a simpleminded exponent of holy war against the infidel. He has extensive ties within the organized right, is close to the Soldier of Fortune magazine adventurers and mercenaries (he attended their conference on terrorism in Puerto Rico in 1979), and has long been affiliated with the American Security Council (ASC) and its right-wing network. Singlaub is an old friend and ally of Ray Cline, who is also a veteran participant in WACL affairs, along with Roger Fontaine, an official of Reagan’s National Security Council, Alex Alexiev of Rand, William Mazzocco, formerly of AID, and numerous other V.S. intelligence, military, and other government figures, past and present.

Singlaub was also close to the Reagan White House. From April 1983 until October 1984 he chaired an official Pentagon panel established to design V.S. policies toward developing countries. The panel also included Brigadier General Heine Aderholt, a contributing editor to Soldier of Fortune, and another half dozen extreme right¬wing military officers and academicians. In April 1984, Singlaub met with President Reagan and National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane and was named “the chief fund-raising contact” to the contra army in Central America. With this choice, the president plucked from the world of the paramilitary/neo-Nazi fringe a man who had spent the six years since his forced retirement from the army in some of the most powerful and dangerous organizations on the U.S. and international extreme right, where his associates included former Nazis, Nazi collaborators, anti-Semites, leaders of death squads, and a motley crew of mercenaries. Reagan honored these with a warm greeting to WACL at its 1984 gathering, asserting that the organization was playing a “leadership role” in the “gallant struggle being waged by the true freedom fighters of our day.” Within a year, at Bitburg, Reagan would pay his respects to the Waffen-SS.

The spectacle of the “antiterrorist” administration contracting with a set of right-wing terrorists to underwrite illegal terrorist attacks on a small neighboring country should have raised some questions in the press about the locus of terrorism. The arrangement with Singlaub and WACL was made two months before the Jonathan Institute conference of 1984, at which Shultz located international terrorism in Moscow and spoke about the V.S. devotion to the rule of law and civilized conduct. But the press reported his line without raising questions (see chapter 8). As we will see, the WACL is linked extensively to the U.S. terrorism industry, including the experts of the Hoover Institution, CSIS, and other groups. These linkages to real terrorists add poignancy to the media’s heavy dependence on these authorities to identify “terrorists.”

There is, in short, a continuity and solidarity between the extreme right and right-wing regimes, including many individuals and gov¬ernments who are major terrorists, and the governments and the more respectable elements of the West concerned with the subject of terrorism. Taiwan, South Korea, Reverend Moon, Botha, Shamir and Rabin, Reinhard Gehlen, the death squad leaders of Argentina, Guatemala, and El Salvador, Ray Cline, and Ronald Reagan have all been fighting “terrorism” together, and they mean the same thing in their use of the word. Each of these parties has had a role to play. The governments protect their agents as best they can. Thus in the midst of the murder of thousands of Indian peasants in Guatemala in 1982, Reagan visited Rios Montt and found him to be a devoted democrat getting a “bum rap.” Reagan found Botha’s regime to be “reformist” and deserving of “constructive engagement.” The Italian terrorist Stefano delle Chiaie wandered through Latin America for years, serving various terror regimes, with an impunity that led the head of the Italian secret service organization SISDE to admit to the Italian Parliament in 1984 that (in a journalist’s paraphase) “the fascist leader is evidently given great protection first of all by the South American secret services. [But furthermore] he pointed out that the American secret services had given very inadequate help to their Italian counterparts in attempting to capture delle Chiaie. Delle Chiaie even entered the United States on a plane from South America on September 9, 1982, and was not apprehended by U.S. authorities, nor were the Italian police informed of his visit. This parallels V.S. lack of interest in and even use of the major Cuban refugee terrorists, Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada.

A further major responsibility of the prestigious and respectable elements of the terrorism industry is to enhance the credibility of its working agencies and operatives by favorable association. Reagan’s warm greeting to WACL gave it an aura of respectability as well as favorable publicity. The extreme right-wing Heritage Foundation”) gained the same benefits by the regular participation of high Reagan administration officials in its affairs. The CSIS acquired respectability: by the association of former government officials Henry Kissinger James Schlesinger, and Anne Armstrong, and board members from the corporate elite such as Louis Gerstner of American Express and John Gutfreund of Salomon Brothers. The credentials of the less savory elements of the industry who serve as experts, like Francis and Moss at Heritage, and Alexander, de Borchgrave, Henze, Sterling, and Ledeen at CSIS, are thereby elevated. These can then push extreme right-wing positions on the “MacNeil/Lehrer News-hour,” other TV network news shows, and papers such as the New York Times as members of respectable establishment institutions.

Other members of the counterterrorism network have the responsibility of instructing Third World military personnel and police on the nature of communism and subversion and the need to stand ready to displace weak elected governments with regimes of law and order (e.g., at the Pentagon’s School of the Americas in Panama). Others train them in the techniques of law and order, including the interrogation and control of unruly peasants and the tracking down and dispatch of subversives (Panama, Taiwan, Fort Benning, various police academies). The CIA also supplied training for the security forces of Egypt in the 1950s, using numerous Nazi killers obtained through the Gehlen network, including SS Sturmbannfuhrer Alois Brunner.Brunner, Eichmann’s top trouble-shooter, estimated by the Simon Wiesenthal Center to have been personally responsible for the murder of 128,500 people, had explained to Berlin Lawyer Kurt Schendel that French Jewish orphans must be killed, too, as they were “future terrorists.”

At least since the 1960s, such instruction has been extended to paramilitary security forces like ORDEN, in El Salvador, trained by U .S. and Argentinian personnel.  The vice-president’s task force of 1986 records as a continuing responsibility of U .S. counterterrorism forces the need to provide “training and assistance to civilian security forces of friendly governments.” The “civilian security forces” of the friendly countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, the Philippines, and at various times Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, are more commonly known as death squads. They and the affiliated military forces in Latin America and South Africa are assigned the task of killing “terrorists.” The different roles within the terrorism industry illustrate the familiar case of “distributed functions.”

The solidarity of the Western government counterterrorism network is shown not only in linkages and a common viewpoint and line on terrorism, it is also displayed in exchanges of information, friendly intelligence relationships, and the toleration of intelligence, political, and propaganda activities on the part of friendly powers. The warm relation between the CIA and South Africa’s BOSS (Bureau of State Security), noted earlier, illustrates a general pattern. The CIA helped organize the Taiwan and South Korean intelligence agencies, and relations between all three have been close. The CIA was also a sponsor of and adviser to the intelligence agencies of the national security states in Latin America, such as Chile’s DINA, and information exchanges and friendly relations have continued up to the present. The United States tried hard “to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among the Latin American countries,” as General Robert Porter explained in 1968. One of the products of this effort was Operation Condor, a cooperative endeavor of Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay to collectively monitor and murder dissidents who had taken refuge in neighboring countries. Hundreds were killed in this Free World terrorist operation.

This cooperative spirit also enabled South Korea to engage in extensive bribery of U.S. politicians from the 1950s onward, and through the agency of Reverend Moon’s organizations, to own newspapers and subsidize numerous right-wing organizations in the, United States and throughout the Free World. Similarly, South Africa was able to acquire and invest in newspapers and magazines and to subsidize institutions in Great Britain, France, and the United States to help it propagandize Western audiences. In Great Britain, where South Africa has close links to the business community and Tory party, the South African Department of Information secretly sponsored and financed the Foreign Affairs Research Institute (FARI) in 1976 and thereafter, to disseminate its propaganda through books, other publications, and conferences. Of course, the United States itself was able to do the same thing even more extensively in its allied and client countries, mobilizing resources and manipulating elections on a very large scale in the Philippines and Italy, for example. In England, the CIA organized and subsidized Brian Crozier’s Forum World Features (FWF), which was transformed later into the Institute for the Study of Conflict, a British right-wing think tank and propaganda agency operating much the same way as CSIS and Heritage, though on a smaller scale. Money flows easily within the Free World to sustain right-wing ideological institutions.

Related

CIA, Moonies Cooperate in Sandinista War (1984)Death Squads in the Philippines by Doug Cunningham

CARP Members were Paid by FBI for Spying on Americans

Drugs and death squads: The CIA connection (1989)

Private Groups Step Up Aid to ‘Contras’ (1985)

The WACL and CAUSA’s Role in the Ruthless Violence of US-Philippines Counterinsurgency