Brother Dhoruba Bin-Wahad speaking on State Repression and Imperialism
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Brother Dhoruba Bin-Wahad speaking on State Repression and Imperialism
Photographer Aram Pan witnessed bustling markets, men and women enjoying themselves at a Western looking water park and miles and miles of crops ready for harvest, shattering all of his illusions about what a holiday to the communist enclave would entail.
'Coming back from my second trip, many things still puzzle me. I've travelled from Pyongyang to Hyangsan to Wonsan to Kumgangsan, to Kaesong and back. The things I've seen and photographed tell me that the situation isn't as bad as I thought,' he said.
'People seem to go about their daily lives and everything looks so incredibly normal. Some of my friends tell me that everything I've seen must be fake and all that I've photographed are a massive mock up.
'But the more I think about that logic, the more it doesn't make any sense⊠would anyone mock up miles and miles of crops as far as my eyes can see and orchestrate thousands of people to seemingly go about their daily lives?'
In the late 1990s, North Korea suffered a major famine that is thought to have led to between 500,000 and 600,000 deaths.
However, despite starvation no longer being a fact of life in North Korea, the most commonly cited cliche about the country is still that it is 'destitute' and 'starving'.
A scathing ruling in British Columbia says âthe world has enough terrorists. We do not need the police to create more out of marginalized people who have neither the capacity nor sufficient motivation to do it themselves.â
Sting operations â in which an undercover agent or informant provides the means and opportunity to lure otherwise incapable people into committing a crime â have represented the default tactic for counterterrorism prosecutions since the 9/11 attacks.
Critics believe these stings amount to entrapment. Human Rights Watch, for instance, argues that law enforcement authorities in the U.S. have overstepped their role by âeffectively participating in developing terrorism plots.â Nonetheless, U.S. courts have rejected entrapment defenses, no matter how hapless the defendants.
The Partnership for Civil Justice Fund (PCJF), via the Freedom of Information Act, obtained FBI documents revealing that the FBI considered the Occupy Wall Street movement, which began Sept. 17, 20...
(via https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8aAaReVn2I4)
The White Helmets are fake Syrian humanitarian group, an al Qaeda support group headed by British military client.
The weapons are foreign, the fighters are foreign, the agenda is foreign. As Syrian forces fight to wrest control of their country back and restore order within their borders, the myth of the âSyrian civil warâ continues on. Undoubtedly there are Syrians who oppose the Syrian government and even Syrians who have taken up arms against the government and in turn, against the Syrian people, but from the beginning (in fact before the beginning) this war has been driven from abroad. Calling it a âcivil warâ is a misnomer as much as calling those taking up arms âopposition.â It is not a âcivil war,â and those fighting the Syrian government are not âopposition.â
Those calling this a civil war and the terrorists fighting the Syrian state âoppositionâ hope that their audience never wanders too far from their lies to understand the full context of this conflict, the moves made before it even started and where those moves were made from.
Is there a new class of bureaucrats [in the U.S.S.R.] that is taking the place of the class of capitalists and landlords? Inequality of income is increasing but not âprivilegeâ. The characteristic âprivilegeâ of the capitalists is their ownership of the means of production which enables them to exploit others. Equality of income is not a Marxist principle. Marxist âequalityâ is the equal emancipation of all from exploitation, the equal joint ownership of the productive means, the equal duty of all to work according to ability, and the equal right to receive according to oneâs work during the period of socialism, and according to oneâs ârequirementsâ during the future period of communism. Capitalism rewards men not in accordance with either their labor or their requirements, but in accordance with their ownership; i.e., in accordance with itâs privilege. Such privilege does not exist in the U.S.S.R.
Anna Louise Strong - What about Russia? Honest Replies to Honest questions. (via thesovietbroadcast)
â TSL Update â
The following books/files have been added to the soviet library:
{Eastern Europe}
Drawing The Line: The American Decision to divide Germany, 1944-1949 *â Carolyn Woods Eisenberg
The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa â Gareth M. Winrow
East Germany in Comparative Perspective â David Childs, Thomas A. Baylis, Marilyn Rueschemeyer
Socialism with a German Face: the state that came from the cold **â Jonathan Steele
The New Lithuania â Anna Louise Strong
Soviet Russia and the Baltic Republics â Philip Farr
Rumanian Summer, A View of the Rumanian Peopleâs Republic â Jack Lindsay, Maurice Cornforth
* Concerns origins, and what led to the formation of a divided Germany ** A sympathetic take on the German Democratic Republic, goes into social, economic, and political details.
{Albania}
The History of the Socialist Construction of Albania (1944-1975)
History of the Party of Labour of Albania
{Soviet Union}
The Peoples of the Soviet Union â Corliss Lamont
A People Reborn, The Story of North Ossetia â Andrew Rothstein
Peaceful Coexistence â Andrew Rothstein
A Visit to Russia, A Report of Durham Miners on their Visit to the U.S.S.R
The Population of the Soviet Union: History and Prospects â Frank Lorimer
The New Soviet Elections - Rose Somerville
October 1917 in Russia â I. Mintz
The Pattern of Soviet Power â Edgar Snow
Lenin and the Russian Revolution â Christopher Hill
We Didnât Ask Utopia, A Quaker Family in Soviet Russia â Harry and Rebecca Timbres
Why is there an armed revolution going on in the Philippines?
The non-hierarchical education of the Zapatistas cries dignity and suggests that the suffering of the neoliberal university can be withstood and overcome.
The story of the Zapatistas is one of dignity, outrage, and grit. It is an enduring saga of over 500 years of resistance to the attempted conquest of the land and lives of indigenous peasants. It is nothing less than a revolutionary and poetic account of hope, insurgency and liberationâa movement characterized as much by adversity and anguish, as it is by laughter and dancing.
More precisely, the ongoing chronicles of the Zapatista insurrection provide a dramatic account of how indigenous people have defied the imposition of state violence, oppressive gender roles and capitalist plunder. And for people of the Châol, Tseltal, Tsotsil, Tojolabal, Mam and Zoque communities in Chiapas, Mexico who make the decision to become Zapatista, it is a story reborn, revitalized and re-learned each new day, with each new step.
It is with this context in mind that I provide a brief overview of how the Zapatistasâ vibrant construction of resistance offers hope to those of us struggling within-and-against the neoliberal university.
Occupy Wall Street: The Police & The 99%
The Occupy Wall Street movement, a movement that arose in reaction to the Global Financial Crisis, the crisis inherent to capitalist-imperialism, re-popularized the notion of class. In order to truly grasp any historical moment in time it is necessary to look at the social context within which it occurred. We live in a settler colonial state; the United States of Amerika was invaded by European settlers. In their settling they committed mass genocide of the various Indigenous peoples of this land. Rapes, burning of villages, chemical warfare, the colonization of the Indigenous peoples wiped out over 100 million people and entire peoples. Upon this state was built an infrastructure that was constructed mainly through a) enslaved Afrikan labor and b) European serfs The bulk of the construction of this nationâs financial infrastructure was done primarily by the internally colonized Afrikans stolen from their homeland. This system that was built was called capitalism.Â
Capitalism is a system where the means of production and the state are in control of the capitalist class who seek to commodify everything in order to make a profit and re-invest their wealth to make more profit. Capitalism is a mode of production defined by the socialized abstract labor and the privatized extraction and control of its products. Afrikans in this nation were commodities, to be sold and traded. They toiled for long hours producing for a slave master who reaped all of the profits and provided the enslaved the bare minimum to survive until the next day. In order to protect this social order, a state was necessary. The formation of the American state, as I said before, born in colonization, genocide, and kidnapping of entire nations of people. Now, what does all this have to do with Occupy Wall Street? Occupy Wall Street was a moment in time when the modern day slaves, the wage slaves and the actually existing slaves in the dungeons of this empire, shifted to the Left in their class consciousness. Although Occupy Wall Street was a petty bourgeois movement, led by those who were in the middle class felt the sting of the capitalist crisis in 2008 set off by the Home Foreclosure scandals.
The conditions that led to the activism that created and sustained Occupy Wall Street were the same brutal and harsh exploitative relations of capitalism in its imperialist stage. Here is a glimpse into the state of affairs in 20011.
- More than 54 % of the US discretionary budget was spent on imperialist aggression
- 6 million Americans lost their homes.
- 100,00 in the U.S. died annually by being denied decent medical care
- Real joblessness spiraled to over 20%
- Average college tuition in the U.S. had risen by 900 % since 1978.
- The average college graduate was $ 25,000 in debt.
- No 2010 income taxes were paid by corporations that made huge profits or took huge bailouts and subsidies, such as CitiCorp, Exxon/Mobil, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, Boeing, Verizon, News Corporation, Merck, and Pzfer.
- There were 56 million active Twitter users. 600 million people visited Facebook each month.
Amidst this chaos, people were coming together from all different walks of life. Students, Stock brokers, Union workers, and not to mention the socialist, communist, and anarchist political elements. Starting on September 17th, 2011 people in New York City took to the streets wearing signs that read of a growing anti-capitalist consciousness. Some signs read âWall Street is Our Streetâ âTax the Rich!â âNo War for Oilâ and of course the most famous, âWe Are the 99%â
The Occupy movement grew after September 24th, when police pepper sprayed four women they had culled from a crowd of protestors and kept them trapped behind orange nets. The number of participants grew after this point. The concept of âOccupyâ caught on all across the nation. By October 9th, more than 600 âOccupyâ encampments sprang up in cities like Boston, Cleveland, San Francisco, Seattle, Dallas, and Knoxville.Â
Patterns emerged among various Occupy camps where the main tactic became getting arrested as a symbolic act. The arrests were too orchestrated and criticism and debate occurred around the question of tactics and non-violence that still goes on today. After the police brutality in New York, other Occupy camps were approached in a more soft way, but this did not last long.Â
In Oakland, where the activists were more militant and class conscious repression was more harsh. Occupy Oakland became a center for resistance and a representative of the more advanced elements of the Occupy movement in general. On October 24th, an Iraq war veteran, Scott Olsen was severely injured by a police projectile. On November 2nd, thousands of people shut down the port. Police repression began to pick up as the first half of November was marked by the violent repressing and shutting down of more than a dozen camps all across the country. The Department of Homeland Security, the FBI and other federal agencies collaborated and helped to coordinate raids in 18 cities. In every city mayors and the political establishment willfully sought cooperation from the more repressive apparatuses of the state. On November 18th, at UC-Davis university police pepper sprayed students sitting peacefully in the quad area. The video went viral and the world saw the police brutalizing peaceful demonstrators. Although sympathy was won among the masses, the Occupy movement was unable to capture and channel this energy into a political and social force to challenge Capital and the state directly. Despite widespread and rampant police violence and brutality some more liberal elements of the Occupy movement thought that the âPolice are part of the 99%.
The concept of the 99% is partially correct. What is meant is âthe massesâ or âthe peopleâ in a vague populist way. The so called 1% actually only controlled 34.6% of the nationâs wealth and the top 10 % controls 73.1% and the top 20% controls 85% of the wealth. This just proves that in order to understand social inequality in a class society, particularly a capitalist society, we need a materialist class analysis.
The policeâs basic function is to maintain this class society and because of the historical conditions of the growth of the police in the US, they are also a means of colonialism, of policing the oppressed nations within the US namely the African American or New Afrikan nation. Understanding this dual form and function of the police will tell us more than any law will reveal about what police should, could, or would do. Historically the police have been enemies of the labor movement, civil rights movement, and any social movement seeking to struggle against capitalism, racism, sexism, and the state.Â
The petit bourgeois leadership and elements of the Occupy movement in general exposed the utter vacuity of the concept of the 99%. The police as an arm of the state have the stateâs intelligence and counterinsurgency arms at its disposal. In the post anti-Vietnam war period, the police adopted a strategy of pacification called âNegotiated Management.â In this model, the police seek to accomodate the protestors and hem them up through requiring that they request a permit for their demonstrations and seek relationships with responsible leaders. The police allow demonstrators and accomodate certain forms of civil disobedience and in exchange the protestors become limited in the type of disruptive action they engage in. These âsoftâ tactics serve better to neutralize social movements. Occupy began because this model was breached when Detective Bologna single handedly pushed Occupy into national headlines.
The protestors may have symbolically broken laws and go tten arrested. Without confrontation, the protests were largely meaningless while protest leaders naively believed that by avoiding a confrontation they were actually winning. In fact, the protestors made the police repression unnecessary by making themselves irrelevant.Â
If a social movement has teeth, they will pose a threat to the status quo and thus be potentially disruptive. The role of the police is to neutralize those threats. They use managerial means or direct coercion it depends on the context. The police adapt with the times to meet new challenges and in order for social movements to take an advantage social movements have to change our game up. The massive civil disobedience triggered a police repression that gained the sympathy for the demonstrators. The police violence against the protestors was not exceptional but the norm, that is what the police do.Â
To end, the Occupy Wall Street movement was an attempt by petit bourgeois to struggle against Capital without a clear ideology or tools to dissect the system. It failed in actually challenged the ruling class but what it did do was lay the basis for the popularization of socialism and Lefitst ideas. It pointed to Wall Street and capitalism as the enemy. Occupy Wall Street had tactics that would not lead the struggle to higher stages. It is up to us to sum up practice and move beyond Occupy. In order to build a movement against the state we need to be ready to struggle to the end and maintain our tools of criticism & self-criticism, unity-struggle-unity, and the united front to destroy racism and the police state.
Banddung Conference
Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations
Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations
Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations large and small
Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country
Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself, singly or collectively, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
(a) Abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve any particular interests of the big powers (b) Abstention by any country from exerting pressures on other countries
Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country
Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties own choice, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations
Promotion of mutual interests and cooperation
Respect for justice and international obligations.[
Slam Poetry draws inspiration from politics, race, economics and gender injustices. Here are twelve poets from around the world worth listening to.
The NYPD has used cell-site simulators more than 1,000 times since 2008, according to documents turned over to the New York Civil Liberties Union.
The NYPD also disclosed that it does not get a warrant before using a Stingray, which sweeps up massive amounts of data. Instead, the police obtain a âpen register orderâ from a court, more typically used to collect call data for a specific phone. Those orders do not require the police to establish probable cause. Additionally, the NYPD has no written policy guidelines on the use of Stingrays.
Stingrays work by imitating cellphone towers. They force all nearby phones to connect to them, revealing the ownersâ locations. That means they collect data on potentially hundreds of people. They are small enough to fit in a suitcase, or be mounted on a plane.
When they were originally developed in 2003, Stingrays were designed formilitary use. But in the past decade, they have increasingly been purchased by law enforcement agencies. According to the ACLU, Stingrays are used by at least 59 police departments in 23 states, and at least 13 federal agencies, including the DEA, FBI, and the IRS. Because most departments withhold information about Stingrays, these numbers likely underrepresent the total.
In December, The Intercept published a secret U.S. government catalogue of cellphone surveillance technology, including Stingrays and âdirt-boxes.â The advertisements boast that many of the items can spy on âup to 10,000 targets.â
What Stanley Nelson's doo doo butter film won't mention about his starling Eldridge Cleaver because he too busy ripping Huey to shreds. Stanley Nelson got me thinking he a PIG! âȘ#âHueyTaughtMeâŹ
"In Soul on Ice Cleaver quite accurately explains that "self-hatred takes many forms; sometimes it can be detected by no one, not by the keenest observer, not by the self-hater himself, not by his most intimate friend." [James] Baldwin, in Cleaver's eyes, is a "self-hater" and a "homosexual." Cleaver states, "I for one, do not think homosexuality is the latest advance over heterosexuality on the scale of human evolution. Homosexuality is a sickness, just as are baby-rape or wanting to become the head of General Motors." Cleaver forgets to mention that Baldwin makes no attempt to conceal his homosexuality and thereby escapes the problems of repressed homosexuality.
Yes, Baldwin is an admitted homosexual, but he is not a depraved madman. Can Cleaver say the same? Does Baldwin's 'open homosexuality' threaten Cleaver's 'repressed' homosexuality, which manifests itself in violence against women? The lady doth protest too much, methinks. The problems, difficulties, and internal conflict that Cleaver has within himself - because he is enraged in denial of his own homosexuality - is projected onto an eternal 'self' (Baldwin) in order to defend his own threatened ego. He attempts to project his own femininity onto someone else and to make someone else pay the price for his guilty feelings. Cleaver embraces supermasculinity, pretends to despite Baldwin as a "punk" while admitting that he (Cleaver) is a rapist. One must despise (and/or envy) women in order to be driven to degrade and ravish them.
What dos Cleaver think of women? Better yet, what does he think of those black masses that he accuses Baldwin of despising? By his own admission:
"I became a rapist. To redefine my technique and modus operandi, I started out by practicing on black girls in the ghetto - in the black ghetto where dark and vicious deeds appear not as aberrations or deviations from the norm, but as part of the sufficiency of the evil of a day - and when I considered myself smooth enough, I crossed the tracks and sought out white prey. I did this consciously, deliberately, willfully, methodically - though looking back I see that I was in a frantic, wild, and completely abandoned frame of mind.
Rape was an insurrectionary act. It delighted me that I was defying and trampling upon the white man's law, upon this system of values, and that I was defiling his women - and this point, I believe, was the most satisfying to me because I was very resentful over the historical fact of how the white man has used the black woman. I felt I was getting revenge. From the site of the act of rape, consternation spreads outwardly in concentric circles. I wanted to send waves of consternation throughout the white race."
He "practiced" on black women in order to acquire perfection for his rape of white women. This implies not only envy of the female principle but contempt for blackness, combining the elements of self-hatred and repressed sexual needs. Cleaver degrades black women twice, first by rape and second by viewing it as a 'dress rehearsal.' By practicing on blacks he expresses his admiration for whites. He in fact pays white women a childish complement.: He ascends the heights to their vaginas by stepping on the bodies of black women!
The irony of Cleaver and his flaw is his self-hatred and his sexual insecurity; his pitiful need for a clear love-hate dichotomy, his need for a clear cut male-female dichotomy, and his need to be a superhero. Cleaver's criticism of Baldwin rests upon his secret admiration of Baldwin and upon his ambition to become Baldwin in a literary sense. In order to become Baldwin, he must topple and consume him. He had to find in Baldwin a tragic flaw, and it follow that he finds in his hero the things that he cannot, due to built-in totems and taboos, accept in himself (that is, his lack of absolute masculinity and his infantile character). He finds it necessary to make a vicious political attack upon the psychosexual condition of Baldwin in an effort to appear the superstud and to steal Baldwin's fire. He elevates himself onto Baldwin's shoulders. Cleaver once said to me, "Soul on Ice is my Fire Next Time."
If only this failed revolutionist had realized and accepted the fact that there is some masculinity in every female and some femininity in every male, perhaps his energies could have been put to better use than constantly convincing himself that he is everyone's superstud. How confused and tortured he must be to equate homosexuality, baby-rape, and the desire to become the head of General Motors. But Cleaver's imagination is not healthy. It is paranoid and self-condemning; it is consumed by a need to be female and white. He is no Baldwin, no Genet."
~ Dr. Huey P. Newton