National Housewives -- from Phyllis Schlafly to Margaret Thatcher
Traditionally, we think of patriarchy in terms of a public-private distinction: men belong in the workforce, "good" women belong in the home, and "bad" women eke out a precarious existence through informal work that can easily be taken away. However, there are several cases where "good" women can serve circumscribed public roles -- as reformers, public speakers, and as activists -- without undermining patriarchy. During national crisis, when the state's ability to support the family and breed itself is threatened, women are allowed to act publicly in the state/national interest as home-makers, keepers of the national family. We will discuss how this has been done across roughly 150 years, from the 1920s US eugenics movement to the 1970s antifeminist movement to modern TERF mobilizing. In the end, Phyllis Schlafly and Margaret Thatcher and J.K. Rowling have one thing in common -- they suture the "public" nation and the "private" home together, working as a sort of national housewife.
The 1920s Eugenics Movement: Women as the Body of the Nation
Do women "hold up half the sky," or are they assets to be used in sex and sold in marriage? The "woman question" has always operated on a sliding scale between these two extremes: "complementarian" perspectives which encourage domestic education and mutual contribution to the family, and more bare-faced "superiority" perspectives which emphasize managing and exchanging women as household goods. In the US, "superiority" was dominant until the late 1800s to early 1900s, when a combination of Reconstruction-era racial anxiety, the women's movement, and eugenics proposed a new, national gender complementarianism for women to serve the nation.
This was, first and foremost, a complementarianism of breeding. The core idea behind eugenics was that the quality of the mother influenced the quality of the son. At the time, "quality" here meant physical and mental fitness -- genetics as we know it had not caught on in the US, and so eugenics prioritized what we now call "epigenetic" factors. This meant that women could not just be abused and thrown around for the good of the family -- they had to be educated, and probably taken care of, and things like sexual assault could damage a future (male) child. The care of women became a collective racial problem, both among bare-faced white supremacists and Black eugenic theorists like DuBois and Frances E. W. Harper who prioritized "racial uplift" [1]. The management of women had turned from a private to a racial (public?) problem, and for ethnonationally defined states like the US, that made woman into a national problem.
This national gender complementarianism, by which women became the body of the nation, had been building ever since the Industrial revolution. As Silvia Federici argues, over the 16th and 17th centuries women became a kind of "new commons" for use by alienated men, a pseudo-natural reserve of free physical and emotional labor that could be tapped by the male collective and privatized via marriage. The "farming metaphor," which positions women as "a class planted with the male seed and harvested" [2] also expresses this logic. Sustainably governing this female commons, for the free use of a community of equal men, became the mandate of the democratic ethnostates which appeared over the course of the 19th century. Nationalism, as it appeared over the course of the 1800s, was centered on the rights of a given ethnoracial group to have a "nation" of their own. The coherence of this ethnoracial group depended on their ability to control "their" women; so women became the foundation of ethno-racial unity, the body of the nation.
This nationalization of ethnicity in general and of women in particular fundamentally changed the organization of women under patriarchy. The "woman question" was no longer a question for the head-of-household (how to use his private property?), and increasingly it was no longer even a communal question to be litigated through household "honor." It was a national question, almost akin to environmental preservation, of how to sustainably exploit women as a collectively-owned natural resource. Some level of privatization (marriage) was expected, but woman had acquired a public character as well, without losing owned-housewife status, as the publicly-owned resource of the state. This provided a route for women to be public while being respectable, using their "feminine virtues" to preserve sustainable access to women -- in short, a public housewife.
State/Public Housewives in the 20th Century
So what did this "state housewife" role look like? In the early 20th century, the increasing acceptance of female education meant that female "educators" running boarding schools, colonial Department of the Interior programs [3], and women's colleges could act publicly as stewards of the future national (female) body. The increasing shift from women's gender-role propagation from private spheres (mentorship in the home) to public spaces (primary schools women's schools) left a clear space for women in the public sphere; after all, men certainly couldn't be expected to teach women how to woman (except on a theoretical level, which they did often). Programs aiming to create a well-kept commons of white women from potentially assimilable partial Others -- lower-class, ethnically distinct (Irish/Italian), and indigenous children, -- were typically run by women themselves, and so in the early 20th century "public" womanhood was closely tied to education, social services [4], and the vice squads, all intimately tied to the social reproduction of gender.
A shakier avenue for "public" womanhood was war. Early 20th century trans men, who often passed during wartime, could legitimate themselves "as women" in this national manner. Jack Bean, a trans man who served in the colonial Philippine-American war of 1899, appeared in a 1900 article titled "My Life As a Soldier." As he noted, "I shopped for the soldiers, I acted as interpreter for them -- knowing Spanish -- I nursed them when they were sick" [5]. The classic Joan of Arc narrative, by which women could be men in times of national desperation, was sutured with a sort of "wartime housewife" narrative by which the home could be brought to the front lines of a national war. The confluence of a kind of female-sex essentialism with "male" roles (Jack was literally a soldier) also appears in the German and British fascist feminisms of the 30s and 40s, which often emphasized "women police" as the basis for national gender purity [6]. After all, only strong, educated women (who often liked to be called 'sir') could enforce gender roles and protect the innocence of the child. The highly circumscribed freedom that came with being a public housewife could enable pretty obvious transmasculinity. But this had real limitations: as Daniel Lavery notes [7], these "forced-masc" fantasies often consist of trans guys telling the world (the Nation) that they totally still have to be a man, seriously, totally...
Finally, counter-hegemonic national projects outside the US positioned state housewives as the flesh of an alternative national body. In "The Nation and its Women," Partha Chatterjee (1993) argues that Indian nationalism in Bengal, developed over the late 19th and early 20th centuries, positioned women as a kind of repository of culture. While men were expected to learn English, modernize, and use the material innovations of the British Empire to create an independent nation, women "must maintain the cohesiveness of family life and solidarity with the kin to which men could not now devote much attention." A central question of Indian nationalism was how to pull from modern science and social organization while remaining "inelecutably Indian," and the answer was a rather straightforward gendered science-culture split. If men were to draw from modernity and Western power, women were to encode national-cultural difference, learning to embody nationally-educated difference without westernizing. The project of vernacular (non-English) education in Bengal was also closely tied to this "woman question," focused on ways to educate women to be national women but not English-speaking Westernized women [8]. Educated housewifedom, seemingly a paradox between housewife status (private) and educated status (necessarily public) was therefore crucial to the project of creating a Nation, and "new women" like Kailasbasini Debi actively discussed managing the tension between their Westernized husbands, their own education, and "strategies to protect herself" from the implications of their own husbands' reformist projects. In doing so, these public "new women" served as public representatives of a "new patriarchal order" distinct from both the Westernized woman and the crude "common" woman [8], a neo-national collective good.
So modern TERFism sits in a long tradition of "public housewives," a national project that enlists good women to act publicly in service of an ethnonational gendered order. This has been quite explicitly stated by the new US administration, who has charged that "the erasure of sex has a corrosive impact not just on women but on the validity of the entire American system" [9] Women are the national body, and so the social reproduction of woman(hood) is the reproduction of the nation. In times of real or perceived crisis, the Nation enlists women to act publicly as protectors of the national home, creating "a socially acceptable way to use her intellect and compassion in the public domain" [2]. Evangelical women, antifeminist activist women, and the modern TERFs all draw on this legacy. Their tentatively-accepted public womanhood is allowed, not just because it is hateful and conservative, but because it is national. It links directly with nearly 150 years of state initiatives to create a coherent and collectively-owned national breeding stock, a project which has always provided a small set of women small freedoms as overseers and middle managers. Or, now, as cottagecore housewife influencers.
[1] The Biopolitics of Feeling: Race, Sex, and Science in the Nineteenth Century
[2] Right wing Women (Dworkin)
[3] Violent Inheritance: Sexuality, Land, and Energy in Making the North American West. Cram spends chapter 2 talking about the ethics of "reclaiming" "queer representation" by people working for the US Department of the Interior, which is a choice.
[4] Under the cover of kindness: the invention of social work
[5] From Female to Male (Lou Sullivan)
[6] Fascist Feminism: a Dialogue
[7] https://www.thechatner.com/p/wondering-whether-he-was-to-mount
[8] "The Nation and its Women," Partha Chatterjee
[9] US Executive Order 14168, Section 1.