The Capacocha Project

Over 500 years ago, the children of the Inca Empire were vital actors in their society. Now, 500 years later, we are left with only the pieces of a fallen civilization with which to understand their lives. We are three anthropology students, seeking to gain and share a better understanding of what has come to be known as a "capacocha ritual". Note: Due to the nature of our research, many multimedia may be sensitive to some readers as multiple posts contain images involving human remains.

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New To The Project?

If you're new to The Capacocha Project, and haven't read from the beginning, hop over to the first page of episodes or click here for the very first episode.

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Note From The Authors: Future Research In Capacochas

There is an astounding amount of room for research around capacocha rituals.   These ceremonies, which were incredibly meaningful to the Inca, signified much more than the death of a child.  Also, by demanding as tributes children from distant areas, the Inca emperors reinforced the capital's connection to the farthest regions of the empire (Andrushko et al. 2011, Bray et al. 2005, Wilson et al. 2010).  However, there is much we do not understand about these rituals. 

With the continued research of aspects such as strontium isotope analysis combined with evidence such as material remains, there is much potential for a better understanding of capacocha rituals.  We have only begun to apply techniques like this to the individuals involved with capacochas, and (as corny as it is) the future is promising.  

Always researching,

Sarah, Tegan, and Carly 

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Hair sampling in capacocha mummies (used by Wilson et al. 2010). 

[National Geographic. 2009. Mummified Children Sacrifice.  http://youtu.be/vUDiXs927-U. (accessed March 20, 2013).]

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Episode 3: Individuals, Where They Came From, and Why?

Question: What can geographic variation (where the individuals originated from) tell us about capacocha rituals? (Further: is this vital to our understanding of capacochas?

In regards to capacocha rituals, comparatively, little research has been done concerning geographic variation.  It will eventually answer questions like "who were the capacocha children?", "why were they chosen from a certain area (if this is the case)?", and "what sociopolitical factors were involved in their choosing?".  Despite how transfixed we are by these five-hundred year old children, we know very little about them as individuals.  Understanding geographic variation brings us closer to individual figures, such as Juanita, and it also helps us understand exactly what role they played in society.

Last week, in Episode 2, we touched on a few of the methods that are used to understand geographic variation.  Items of personal adornment are often preserved, however these can skew our understanding (in one example, a male was found with items that are associated with one region, while the strontium isotope analysis of his teeth spoke of another: Bray et al. 2005).  We also mentioned that ceramic pottery can be used to understand geographic variation by analyzing both the style of the ceramics, and where the ceramics were created (Bray et al. 2005).  However, both of these methods force us to acknowledge that we don't actually know why articles of personal adornment, or pottery, would be left associated with the capacocha children.  We do not know whether they were from the various regions that the children were paraded through, or if they spoke instead of their area of origin.  (Andrushko et al. 2011, Bray et al. 2005).  By analyzing the remains of the children themselves, we can gain a much more enduring and solid understanding of their geographic variation.

Although the pursuit of information about geographic variation in  capacochas through analysis of the individuals is relatively new, there have already been quite a few publications.  One that has been focused on recently by Valerie Andrushko and colleagues is strontium isotope analysis.  (Check out the quick presentation from earlier in the week to get a 60 second explanation of what strontium isotope analysis is).

Among other reasons, in strontium isotope analysis, the teeth of individuals are used because there is less contamination.  By contamination, we mean anything that could have interfered with the chemical makeup of the teeth from the death of the capacocha children to their discovery. 

Yes, this is a guinea pig (according to Wikipedia, in its natural habitat).  Andrushko et al. 2011 cites the use of guinea pigs (among others) to test the isotopic signature of different areas.  The isotope ratios in plants, soil, animals, etc are very similar if they are in similar areas geographically.  This similarity is called a “signature”, and when found, can be compared to other organisms (in our case, mummies). 

Valerie Andrushko and colleagues published a paper in 2011 describing the results of strontium isotope analysis that they had performed on their cite in Choquepukio.  They found that two of the individuals were from outside of the region, while five were local children.  Separately, this is unsurprising, however combined in one site, it paints an interesting picture.  While the presence of local children speaks to a ritual at village level, outsiders could imply a ritual at state level.  Choquepukio seems to be a combination of the two.  

What does it mean?  At the moment, we don’t know.  Andrushko et al mention that little research in strontium isotope analysis has been conducted in the area (Andrushko et al. 2011, Wilson et al. 2010).  This means less isotope signatures to compare with, and less research to rely on.  Until we have more data about the geographic variation involved in capacocha rituals, few solid conclusions can be made.  However, understanding capacochas from this point of view has much potential. 

By looking at geographic variation, we understand more, not only about the individuals themselves, but also about the role that these individuals played in their society.  Using evaluation techniques such as strontium isotope analysis, we can gather data that is less culturally variable than the analysis of material remains.

[Full Citations]

[Photo courtesy of Wikipedia.com]

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What is strontium isotope analysis?  We’ve created a slideshow that clears it up in under 60 seconds.

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Episode 2: Material Remains and Individuals

Question: How can material remains, such as grave goods and skeletal evidence, be used to gain information about the individuals sacrificed? 

Material remains such as grave goods and skeletal evidence are a very significant part of analyzing an unearthed grave or burial. Grave goods can give crucial facts about where the individual(s) in the grave were from, who they were, what they did during their daily lives, and what they believed in. Bray et al. (2005) explains that a way to investigate the origins of a capacocha victim can be through the study of associated artifacts found with the individual. An example of how grave goods (such as clothing, artifacts, bones, etc.) can give valuable information about an individual is in the find of a young boy found on the summit of Cerro El Plomo in central Chile; based on the boys foot wear and his “distinctively shaped metal pectoral ornament,” he can be linked to another group from the Bolivian altiplano (Bray et al. 2005:86). Bray et al. (2005) further explain that any type of headgear, clothing or shoes that the children were wearing when they were sacrificed can give crucial evidence that can tell us about their origins; although it is very important to remember that this evidence may not always be completely accurate as the children could have been clothed in different vicinities. 

Nevertheless, every grave doesn’t have grave goods such as clothing, tools or figurines. However, there are some Inca capacocha burials that have ceramic assemblages, these can also provide insights on the origins and “ethnic affiliations” of the child sacrifices (Bray et al. 2005:86). The ceramic assemblages’ style and morphology was analyzed as well as the composition of ceramic pastes and then later were compared to the vessels from Cuzco and the Lake Titicaca regions, as well as other pottery from smaller cites in the Mantaro region of Peru as well as northern Chile (Bray et al. 2005). Bray et al. (2005) explain that this type of analysis can explain where the ceramics were made, which can further explain how far the individuals were traveling to the sacrificial sites. This type of information is important because it explains where the capacocha children were coming from in relation to where they were sacrificed. 

There is not much skeletal evidence in capacocha burials as the children were generally sacrificed “through strangulation, exsangulation, or interment while alive (though probably drugged by alcohol)” (Cobo 1990 as cited by Andrushko et al. 2011). Therefore, because the children were strangled there generally would not be signs of harm as the bone that would generally brake during strangulation is the hyoid bone, and it is still unfused in children. Consequently, the children “rarely show physical evidence for their cause of death” (Verano 2001:168 as cited in Andrushko et al. 2011). One way that we can learn who the capacocha children were and what they were doing before their time of death is to look at their teeth as “teeth absorb strontium isotopes until the tooth crown formation has completed” (Andrushko et al. 2011). Comparisons of the isotope ratios in teeth will change if people locate to another area, as their diets will likely be changing too, therefore, a comparison of these type of ratios can tell us if these capacocha children were moving around the area before they were sacrificed (Andrushko et al. 2011).  

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[Chart based on Bray et al. 2005]

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Grave Goods and Anthropology

A grave good is an object that was placed in a grave site with an individual when they were buried. Some types of items that have surrounded the Inca grave sites are pottery, clothing, metal discs, wood, bone, textiles, and figures of people and llamas made of shell, gold and silver (Gibaja et al., 2005; Cobo 1990 as cited by Andrushko et al. 2011). In the case of capacochas, according to McEwan and van de Gutche (1992:364) as cited by Andrushko et al. 2011, “miniature objects were buried with the children as symbolic gifts from the Inca ruler, which established a connection between the community supplying the sacrifice and the divine monarchy of the Inca.” The three children found on Cerro Llullaillaco in northwestern Argentina had “a diverse assemblage of artifacts, including more than 20 clothes statues that mimicked the apparel of the sacrificed children” (Andrushko et al. 2011). According to Andrushko et al. (2011) some miniature objects were buried with children as “symbolic gifts” for the Inca ruler which would then establish a connection between the community and the monarchy of the Inca. The grave goods therefore are very important for archaeologists as they can help in a reconstruction of the buried individuals life. They can help to reconstruct where they were from, what they looked like, how old they may have been (this would depend on the types of artifacts) and they could also help in association with other sacrificial burials.

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[Photo courtesy of Andrushko et al. 2011(p. 328, Figure 6)]

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Check out NOVA’s interactive article about the preservation processes of mummies across the globe.  WARNING: contains images of human remains

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This is a 48 minute video showing archaeologists doing an expedition to a high-altitude sacred site in the mountains of the Andes searching for ritual remains and another body.

[BBC. 2011. “Ice Mummies Frozen in Heaven.” BBC Learning. Accessed on March 27, 2013. http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=endscreen&NR=1&v=JOysVmSQXUQ]

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On Juanita, or The Ice Maiden:

The Ice Maiden or Mummy Juanita was found on the summit of the Mount Ampato in the Colca Canton region in southern Peru in 1995 by Johan Reinhard and colleagues (Reinhard 1996;2005 as cited by Andrushko et al. 2011). Juanita was a 13 to 15 year-old-girl and was found in an amazing condition, as the ice packed rocks and dirt keep her internal organs and bodily fluids frozen (Blank, 1999). Juanita was wrapped in a belted dress, shawl, and tupu pin, with leather slippers on her feet. The types of grave goods that were found with her included “a Spondylus female figurine, a classic Inca style ceramics, and a coca bundle” (Andrushko et al. 2011).

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Photo (1) credit: Courtesy of Wikipedia. Johan Reinhard. Accessed on March 27, 2013.]

Photo (2) credit: Courtesy The Mountain Institute. Accessed on March 27, 2013 from http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/ancient/ice-mummies-inca.html]

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Episode 1: Sacrifice Across Cultures

Question: Can cross-cultural comparison between Inca capacochas and other cultural examples of sacrifice help solidify theories involving such rituals? (The answer to this question might be no, with reasons). 

Capacocha mummies are a signature of the culture that surrounds the Inca Empire. Sacrifices would take place in respect to the sun and other important deities (Andrushko, et al. 2011). Children that possessed significant beauty would be offered for these rituals, children from throughout the Inca Empire would be brought forth and treated as a god themselves before they were offered (Andrushko, et al. 2011). Tributes ranging from infancy to teenagers would be chosen for sacrifice.  Generally females were targeted for sacrifice more often then than males. Parents could also offer their child as tribute, by doing this great rewards would be given and social prestige would be recognized (Andrushko, et al. 2011). These rituals would be preformed in reaction to catastrophes such as droughts, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and to mark special occasions such as in the succession of a emperor (Andrushko, et al. 2011). The children were brought to the capital city of Cuzco; they were lavished with feasts and special ceremonies. Once the celebrations had ceased the children would be taken to remote locations, sometimes as far as thousands kilometers from the city (Andrushko, et. al.  2011). There they would be sacrificed; the most common way of death was done by strangulation, exsanguination or interment while alive (Andrushko, et al. 2011). Rulers would often demand sacrifices for their funerary plans or succession celebrations. For example when Emperor Pachacuti funerary plans were being drawn he demanded the one thousand children were to be chosen from across his empire and brought to Cuzco to be sacrificed (Andrushko, et al. 2011). They were then partnered up ritually as married couples; this was done in order for the emperor to have servants in the afterlife (Andrushko, et al. 2011).

 The Moche were a pre Columbian culture that resided over the North Coast of Peru, they inhabited this area from 200- 750 AD (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). This culture was before the time of the Inca but they too took part in ritual sacrifice. There is no evidence to date that the Moche sacrificed children. Information that’s been collected from tiles suggests that Moche warriors would fight one another in ritual battles; the loser would be sacrificed (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). A second theory proposes that when feuding against other populations the Moche would take prisoners and sacrifice after the battle  (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). Mountain sacrifices along with island sacrifices are portrayed on other vessels such as containers and metal works, these acts were defined as being a “Sacrifice Ceremony”  (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). Blood was important in a sacrificial ceremony, many of the drawings recovered show individuals getting their throats slit with priests collecting their blood into bowls (Sutter & Cortez, 2005).  Only a select few remains have been recovered, some of the sacrificial remains that were found were discovered in tombs with higher-ranking individuals  (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). Female remains were found within a burial with a high-ranking individual in the Huaca de la Cruz in the Vir Vally  (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). In another site (Dos Cabezas) eight-teen adult males were unearthed, cut marks proposed that they had been sacrificed in a Moche sacrifice  (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). An excavation done at the site Huaca de la Luna site revealed more than 75 adult male sacrifices, their throats had either been slit or had some form of blunt face trauma to their heads (Sutter & Cortez, 2005).  These individuals were sacrificed around the time of El Nio, which is a time of year when torrential rain would wipe out entire cities. Archaeologists suggest that sacrifices took place around this time in order to prey to the deities to stop the rainfall  (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). Other forms of ritual sacrifice revolved around battles, the object of these battles was not to kill the opponent but to weaken the opponent enough so that the individual could be sacrificed by way of bloodletting  (Sutter & Cortez, 2005). This was a common occurrence amongst the Moche culture.

The Aztecs preformed many different forms of sacrifices, many involved disembowelment by methods of decapitation and excision of the heart (Graulich, 2000). Other rituals involved having their throat cut, being thrown into a fire, being shot with arrows, drowning, being buried alive or being hurled down the face of the pyramid all mostly followed by heart ex-traction (Graulich, 2000). The human heart was essential to the sacrifice because it was believed to nourish the gods (Graulich, 2000). Aztec rituals were believed to help the cosmos function. The Aztec people would recreate their version of the world through ritual sacrifices, they believed by performing these sacrifices they were nourishing their gods that kept their civilization alive (Graulich, 2000). The various Aztec sacrifices revolves around two different rituals, ritual killing of the dema (deity) and the nourishment sacrifice (where a heart would be fed to a dema) (Graulich, 2000). The individuals that were chosen for sacrificial purposes were purified salves and prisoners of war (Graulich, 2000). The chosen sacrificial victim would represent a specific dema, a mythical hero that would play a role of a character in a myth then act out that myth. Single and multiple sacrifices held many meanings, such as rejuvenating demas, nourishing demas and reenactments of mythical killings (Graulich, 2000). During recent excavations at the Temple R (dedicated to the wind and rain god) in Tlateloloc in Mexico City uncovered the remains of thirty-seven adolescents and six adults (De La Cruz et al. 2008). These sacrifices were thought to be the result of a ritual that happened during a great drought that led to famine throughout the empire (De La Cruz et al. 2008).

The Andean cultures are consumed with ritual sacrifice. Each of these cultures although in some instances living in different eras or different continents all shares this commonality of cultural sacrifice. Sacrifices within these cultures all depict different meanings whilst at the same time share similar overlapping concepts. Strong bonds with their cultural dema’s or deities are visible throughout these cultures as well showing a strong respect towards their rulers. Differences are shown by the severity or act of the rituals and how frequent they are preformed. Sacrifice was a large focus in Andean societies and was worshiped and held in high regards that effected their everyday lives. 

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[Photo credited Photograph from INAH/AP, National geographic

Mother holding her child]

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Video demonstrating how the Aztec would preform a heart extraction ritual.  

[The History Channel. 2010. "History Specials: Coroner's Report - Aztec Sacrifice". Accessed March 27, 2013. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hQKJRnPpIxw]

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Across Cultures: Moche, Aztecs, and Inca

When observing the scope of cultures that practice ritual sacrifice, similarities and vast differences can be observed. Some cultures, such as the Inca, had specific rituals dedicated to sacrificing a child, which worked to unify their empire (Andrushko et al. 2011, Bray et al. 2005, Wilson et al. 2007). While their northern Andean ancestors the Moche practiced ritual warfare sacrifices as well as sacrificing people that would join their rulers in the afterlife. The Aztecs main soul purpose of sacrifice was done in order to appease their gods in hopes a having a successful harvest and prosperity within their communities. Sacrifices vary from peaceful and solitary to overly violent displayed in front of mass populations. In part one of our introductory to the Capacocha project We will be addressing how cross-cultural sacrifices took place in these three diverse cultures. In presenting this work we hope to compare and contrast differences and similarities within these cultures and shed light on their sociopolitical systems (aka defining why and how these rituals took place). 

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[Photo courtesy of the very talented Robert Clark]

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To begin our week on comparative cultures and sacrifice,"Of Summits and Sacrifice" explains how Inca viewed sacrifice and how they preformed it.  

[2011. "Of Summits and Sacrifice". Accessed March 27, 2013. http://youtu.be/pJ4A9IYwY3M]

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Want to know more about the end of the Inca Empire?  Check out PBS NOVA’s “The Great Inca Rebellion”.  We advise that some of the ideas in here be taken with a grain of salt: after all, without betrayal, conspiracy, and death, there would be no dramatic appeal. 

[NOVA. 2011. The Inca Rebellion. Accessed on March 27, 2011 from http://youtu.be/Wq_21QfGRpg]

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Who Were The Inca: Pop Culture And The Last Emperor

Pop culture loves to mash ancient civilizations together, but occasionally producers churn out a television show, movie, or videogame with a legible source.  A large pool of us under the age of 23 saw Disney’s The Emperor’s New Groove, a movie that follows a young ruler of (what is assumed to be) the capital, Cuzco, as he is turned into a llama by his advisor.   

It’s an interesting example of how the Inca Empire is seen by the non-academic public. This is Disney, so there is no argument for historical accuracy, however…  

Three things that Disney got right: 

A love of llamas: llamas pop up in Inca artifacts quite often, and were an important domesticated animal.    

Terrifying advisors: According to written records by the likes of Juan de Betanos, the Inca emperors were bound to honour the advice of their mummified ancestors (who also attended dinner parties)(Bauer and Rodriguez 2007).  Since mummies cannot speak for themselves, they were assigned “spokespeople” (Juan de Betanos cited in Bauer and Rodriguez 2007) who, realistically, held more power than they should have.  

A Young Emperor: along a more depressing line than Disney’s moderately selfish emperor, the last of the Inca Empire’s rulers was actually a teen.  Brought to power (largely by the Spanish) after the death of his father (the previous emperor), Manco Inca Yupanqui was the last official ruler before the Inca Empire collapsed under Spanish influence (Bauer and Rodriguez 2007).  

[Bauer BS and AC Rodriguez. 2007. The hospital of San Andres (Lima, Peru) and the search for the royal mummies of The Incas. Fieldiana Anthropology. 39:1-31.]

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Inca World: 500 Years of History in 5 Minutes, a photoslide. 

[Brien Foerster. 2010. "Inca World: 500 Years of History in 5 Minutes." Accessed on March 27, 2011 from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m8S_WFqJ4AY]