One Nice Bug Per Day
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official daine visual archive
art blog(derogatory)
PUT YOUR BEARD IN MY MOUTH
KIROKAZE
gracie abrams
"I'm Dorothy Gale from Kansas"
The Stonewall Inn
Product Placement
if i look back, i am lost
untitled
NASA
YOU ARE THE REASON
Cosimo Galluzzi
Color Me Curious
Claire Keane
todays bird
❣ Chile in a Photography ❣
seen from Singapore
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@choppedcheesepapi
Scaliger Castle, Sirmione, Italy
try building it on land next time you stupid italians
^^^ try to fuck off you ignorant bitch. non sai di merda neanche se ne mangi un secchio, diocane
Whoa mama mia cunt
Joseph Jostar and Caesar Zeppeli
Only on days ending “y”
The Holy Trinity
Lemme just
i arrive in windhelm
blood: boiling
allegiance: imperial
axe: delivered
i am forcibly removed from windhelm
Yee: Haw
Hmmm
#JojosBizzareAdventure #JJBA
I saw a similar thing in a screenshot on Reddit the other day.
I don’t know if you’ve seen spider-cop but
oh you mean spiderman: class traitor edition
Narc
I mean, I think it looks cool
50% of problems today can be solved by stop being a stupid Bitch
Will u join the challenge?
is there a reason for this? like is this part of a strike or something im not aware of?
i cannot believe im this fucking stupid
Ralph, pick a number between 1 and 10
four of course because it’s my lucky number
Good cause that’s your IQ
when I go to a blog and it’s 90% drama and discourse
The Introduction To Huey Freeman, The Boondocks 1x01
Say this now and your inbox gonna be full😂
Image: François Duvalier on July 30, 1958 following the first serious coup attempt against his authority. Courtesy of: Haïti-Référence.
Duvalier, power and symbolism : The case of the 1964 flag
Much mystery surrounds the adoption and the true colours elected for the would-be Haitian flag espoused by Dessalines at Arcahaie in May 1803. The often cited story of Dessalines theatrically ripping the white portion of the French tricolor and the remains being sewed back together by Catherine Flon has been interpreted in popular culture as the tale of an alliance between black and mulâtres fractions to defeat the French. Each color represented a group and their joining together in the flag added both a metaphorical and literal meaning to the entreprise. This dramatic incident was to represent a formal agreement between the two factions committed to liberty or death. The Haitian flag therefore tells an important message about unity, anti-slavery and anti-colonialism. While scholars such as Philippe R. Girard (2009), known for his often controversial take on Haitian revolutionary figures, have more recently disputed this tale as a later fabrication (claiming instead that, given the timing of its adoption, the flag represented much less a symbol of unity between blacks and mulâtres than an appropriation of French revolutionary iconography), the Haitian flag continues to be understood as a potent symbol in Haiti.
As President of Caribbean Republic between 1957 and 1971, François Duvalier utilised and appropriated various such symbols to defend his political programme. As argued by Haitian historian Wien Weibert Arthus (2012), both in forging a domestic and foreign agenda, Duvalier boosted his Noirist credentials. His move to change the Haitian flag in 1964 reveals much about his desire to manipulate popular emblems.
While scholars still debate the true genealogy of the Haitian flag, as expressed by Michael C. Reyes (2017), they generally concur that there exists “limited historical support among contemporary historians” regarding the May 1803 events at Arcahaie (Reyes, p. 35). Similarly, while Girard (2009) may be overstating his argument regarding the French origins of the Haitian flag, he is correct in pointing out that the insurgent army, even before the final break for independence, adopted various flags and that some of these existed simultaneously. It is perhaps this confusion which opened the door, already in 1957, for Duvalier and his entourage to discuss a possible change to the Haitian national colours.
Haitian flag, 1964. Source: Wikimedia Commons.
In 1805, following his proclamation as emperor, it is widely believed that Dessalines altered the flag from blue and red bands placed horizontally to black and red vertical bands. (Nicholls, 1996 [1971], p. 234.) Henri Christophe fashioned a similar flag in his kingdom until his suicide in 1820. It was, however, the flag of Alexandre Pétion’s Republic, now under Jean-Pierre Boyer’s control following Pétion’s death in 1818, that would prevail in the reunited Haiti. This horizontal flag, featuring blue and red bands, was conferred legal status in the 1843 Constitution (Haiti-Référence). By 1957, the newly elected Duvalier and some of the intellectuals his regimes seemed to have attracted argued that the “true” colours of the Haitian flags were in fact black and red and efforts should be made to restore the national colours (Nicholls, p. 235). Although Nicholls’ work has been rightly criticised for the way it sometimes exaggerated the differences between blacks and mulâtresand at times even seemed to suggest that class and colour were synonymous in Haiti (see for instance the essays in Politics and Power in Haiti [2013] edited by Kate Quinn and Paul Sutton), the British scholar was probably correct in asserting that Duvalier’s determination to alter the flag was part of his desire to affirm the Noirist calibre of his administration. Indeed, it represented a particular reading of Haitian history where Dessalines and Christophe, both black leaders, shared a greater legitimacy than the “mulâtre” President Pétion. Duvalier therefore placed himself in continuity with the work of Haitian revolutionary figures. The 1957 proposal to the National Assembly for a change to the flag was eventually dropped but in 1964, a much stronger Duvalier who in the words of historian Matthew J. Smith (2009) had “systematically uprooted his opposition through forced exile, torture, and murder” (p. 187) felt confident enough to make such move. As most of the political opposition disappeared, often time literally, Duvalier could intact his ideas with much more leisure. 1964 was perhaps one of the most violent years in the history of the regime. In June of that year, as the flag was being amended, Duvalier was declared president-for-life. In August, as retribution for the assault of Jeune Haïti, who had attempted to topple his regime, Duvalier proceeded to massacre their families in the infamous “Massacre des Vêpres jérémiennes.” Entire families, including women and children, related to the members of the militant group in the Jérémie region were slaughtered. In 1964, the regime entered a critical phase where Duvalier had mostly consolidated his power. While the conflict with the Catholic Church would prevail until 1966, it was already clear by 1964 that no sector of Haitian society had been left untouched by duvalierism and that little opposition would be permitted to exist.
Ultimately, Duvalier’s move to change the Haitian flag was yet another way in which he could present himself as an “authentique” and reassert his political supremacy. It showed the ease with which the Haitian president reinterpreted history, particularly the revolutionary period (1791-1804) to serve the purposes of his administration. Any allegiance to the national flag, a symbol which all Haitians could abide to, therefore implicitly also became a sign of loyalty to the president-for-life. In 1966, he was quoted declaring, “je suis le drapeau haïtien, un et indivisible. Dr François Duvalier” or “I am the Haitian flag, one and indivisible. Dr François Duvalier” (Arthus, 2011 p. 59). The story of the 1964 change of the Haitian flag therefore tells more than a political manoeuvre by an adept politician, it also forces a reflection on the psychological dimensions of duvalierism.
