(white person voice) guess how many slurs i can reclaim. i can say slurs, did you know that? i was so excited when i realized i was gay because i could say faggot. guess how many slurs i can reclaim. it’s literally my dream to be able to say as many slurs as possible. this is a normal thing. guess how many slurs i can reclaim. i can call you a faggot btw. because of Reclamation. what slurs am i able to say when im [xyz marginalized group]? wait wait let me show off my slur collection. faggot dyke and [slur that they definitely cannot reclaim]. how cool is that, eh? guess how many slurs i can reclaim. guess how m
🛑Please don't ignore this. My disabled child has a right to life. Extend your kind and generous hands now. 🙏🏻🫂🌸
👇💔 Urgent Help Needed 💔🙏 Please, be the reason my children can smile again.🆘Please don't be indifferent to Farah's situation. Pansanik is moving now 🙏🏻
⚠️I won't talk about my daughter's condition. She's a 16-year-old girl suffering from chronic kidney failure, metabolic acidosis, and severe autism. What can I do? I've become a desperate mother, and I'm also sick because of the pressures of life I face. It's not easy to manage medication for all of these conditions. I desperately need your humanity, kind people. Follow her previous posts and you will see the truth in every word. My daughter Farah's tears and fate are in your hands. Don't condemn her to death.Her frail body is devoid of essential vitamins and nutrients. Save her with an urgent donation. 🙏🏻😭
🛑 Tears of the disabled, my daughter Farah deserves your donation. Move with your humanity, please 🙏🏻🥹
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Her frail body is deficient in essential vitamins for kidney patients, particularly potassium. Please help me buy what I need.
Note: if you would prefer to pay via paypal, you can do so here.
🚨Dear human being, I appeal to your kind soul. My child is battling death due to kidney failure. Please help save her; she is innocent and has done nothing wrong. I don't want to lose her. I am a grieving mother. Have mercy on me and spare me the agony of loss. 🙏🏻Donate now; your delay is contributing to my heartbreak.
Sometimes, a small step from you can make a big difference in the life of someone in need of hope and support.
Meet my daughter Najah, a mother of four who is currently pregnant, struggling every day for their future, and in need of a helping hand to give them a better life. 💖
✨ Help Widad care for her sick grandchildren! ✨
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🕊️💔 Widad and her family have lost a part of their innocent life!
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In fragile tents that shield neither from heat nor cold, Widad and her daughter Najah endure the harsh weight of war… 💔
The children shiver without understanding, their innocent faces telling a story of pain greater than words, and they are in desperate need of new tents or shelters to give them warmth and safety… 🕊️
From the heart of Gaza, we reach out to you with deep pain and a plea for help… amelia romain needs your support for Help Wedad's family in
My name is Ayaa from Gaza city, I am a children’s teacher, 24 years old, living with my parents and siblings. We all used to live a peacefu
I hope you are doing well. It has been more than two years since the genocide, as you know. I once had a previous donation link, but GoFundMe deleted it.
Now is the time we need your support the most. The war may have ended, but the tragedy has not. Prices are still very high, and winter is approaching. There are many difficulties and risks — such as the worn-out tents and other hardships.
We are all in need of your help and support.
If you cannot donate, please write posts about me and talk about my story. I have become part of this community and have lost many friends due to account closures. I also face a lot of criticism for using translation tools or accusations of being a scammer.Iwant to draw attention to the fact that English is not my first language, and I always need help to communicate better with you.
In fact, our tents are worn out and not ready for the winter, as we were bombed three times during the ongoing war. I’ve attached below several photos showing the shrapnel that fell on us and caused the tents to tear apart.
Right now, I need your support — at least to provide tents for the winter so that we don’t face difficulties when it rains.
they should invent a secret second weekend so that you can see friends and do fun things while still having enough time to do errands and sleep in without dying of exhaustion all the time
Selected quotes from V. Adoratsky's Dialectical Materialism
This post has as its sole objective encouraging reading (that is, studying) this work in full, available in the link above. It is not meant to be a distillation of the book's main points, and it isn't. This is a collection of some of the passages I highlighted when I read this in April, as a nice revisit for me as well. It does not include anything from the last chapter (VII. How to Study Lenin), and it skims over most of the contextualization of the arguments made, prioritizing passages that, in my opinion, make a succinct point about an aspect of diamat.
This book is a manual, written with the sole intention of its use in political struggle and communist militancy. Its content and form cannot be understood without understanding that it was written at the beginning of the 1930's, with the advance of fascism in Europe in full swing. The USSR was primarily isolated in the international stage, and had to prepare to bear the brunt of a genocidal invasion on its own. Hence, the use of brunt pejoratives to label the philosophy of those people who had turned their back on the USSR, or the generous quoting from Marx, Engels and Lenin might seem off-putting today and even reminiscent of those communists today who argue armed with marxist-sounding insults and no substance, but it could not be further from this.
This book is an introductory manual to dialectical-materialism from the early 1930's USSR. It is not a work that advanced soviet theoretical marxism, and some aspects of its exposition might seem unfinished, poor, or too basic. Because of this democratizing purpose that works like this had, many academics since have labeled the USSR's philosophical production as simple or vulgar. Again, it could not be further from this
With that said, I hope that this post encourages even just one person to study this manual in a way that will compliment their militant efforts today.
I. MARXISM AS THE THEORY AND TACTICS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE OF THE PROLETARIAT
The theoretical statement of the principles of scientific communism is Marxism and Leninism, the latter being an elaboration of Marxism in the light of new conditions
II. THE INTERNATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF LENINISM
We have dealt particularly with the Russian revolution, because it was in Russia that the Bolshevik Party developed. But it would be a mistake to assume that Bolshevism (in other words, Leninism) is based only on the experiences of Russia and that it is a purely Russian phenomenon. Leninism was drawn from international experience and its significance is international. Only by a proletarian revolution can the revolutionary proletariat and the oppressed masses who are struggling against imperialism throughout the world, achieve their emancipation
III. MATERIALIST DIALECTICS AS THE THEORETICAL FOUNDATION OF MARXISM-LENINISM
The complexity of the phenomena of reality, their contradictory nature and their constant flux and change are reflected in our judgment of them, which also cannot help but be contradictory and in a constant state of flux. That, however, does not exclude, but, on the contrary, imposes the necessity for finding clear and definite answers to the problems that arise at any given moment. Dialectic materialism teaches us to distinguish the contradictions of reality, to understand their significance and to study their development (objective dialectics). Correspondingly, the progress of concepts (subjective dialectics), by properly reflecting reality, must conform to what is proceeding in the external (objective) world and must not allow itself to be severed from its base. Consciousness must strive to adapt itself to the (dialectical) progress of the reflected object.
[...]
The Hegelian dialectics, accordingly, requires thorough overhauling. It must be “turned right side up again” in order to reveal “the rational kernel within the mystical shell.”
Engels also dwelt on the same theme and treated it in a similar spirit. To the question, wherein lies the error of Hegel, he replies: in the fact that the laws of dialectics “are not drawn from nature and history, but imposed on the latter as laws of thought.” Hence the nonsensical concept that “the world must conform to a logical system, which is itself only the product of definite stages of development of human thought.”
Engels declares that “this relationship must be reversed,” whereupon everything will appear normal and plain. "The dialectical laws, which in the idealistic philosophy are extremely mysterious, will then immediately become simple and clear."
On another occasion Engels stated that the mysticism of Hegel consisted in the fact that "the category [i.e., concept—V.A.] was to him something antecedent, while the dialectics of the real universe was its mere reflection. Actually the opposite is true: the dialectics of the mind is only the reflection of the real world both of nature and of history." (The Dialectics of Nature.)
[...]
Lenin said that “contradiction” is the salt of dialectics; its “kernel” is unity and the conflict of opposites
In the process of development all things give way to others, all things are negated. But the characteristic feature of dialectical negation is that it does not merely throw to one side, it abolishes by first overcoming. Socialism cannot be brought about without mastering and remoulding all that which was accumulated in the preceding stage of historical development and all that which was taken over from the past and developed by the bourgeoisie. Such a dialectic negation of the bourgeoisie can be accomplished only by the proletariat, the class most closely associated with modern large-scale industry, which is the most valuable product of bourgeois development.
[...]
[...]
In contradistinction to the eclectic conception, dialectics teaches the doctrine of The Concreteness of Truth. In his Introduction to the Critique of Political Economy Marx explained that the concrete is concrete by virtue of the fact that it combines within itself a multiformity of definitions, because it is “unity in multiformity.” The concrete is the whole of nature, the whole of reality, surrounding us: it embraces, combines and coalesces all contradictions. Our knowledge moves towards an ever more complete and more profound reflection of this complete (concrete) reality
IV. THE FIGHT FOR DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM
The materialist dialectician declares that mind cannot be separated from matter; our mind (“spirit”) is a property of specifically organised matter, viz., the brain of man, who is a member of a specific historically developed society. This qualitatively specific phenomenon actually exists in objective reality. [...] The external world is reflected in the mind of man. Thought is not the object itself reflected in the mind; it is but the reflection of the object. The theory that the external world is “reflected” in the mind is fundamental to the theory of knowledge of dialectical materialism.
V. THE DIALECTICS OF NATURE AND HUMAN KNOWLEDGE
The external material world reacts on our mind, is reflected in it and determines it. Matter is the primary, the fundamental; mind is secondary and derivative. Mind is inseparably associated with matter; it is a property of matter organised in a special way, viz., our brain, and is a product of the latter’s activity. Mind reflects the external world. There can be no mind or thought without brain. The idealists, on the other hand, sever thought from the brain and consider that spirit is the beginning of all things. The idealists turn the whole course of things upside down. In their opinion matter is derived from spirit. Materialism declares that there is no “spirit world,” there is no “transcendental” world; the world is unitary, and its unity lies, as Engels says, in its materialness.
VI. THE DIALECTICS OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
In its tactical leadership of the revolutionary struggle the proletariat must be guided by two basic postulates. First, Leninism does not prescribe any particular form of struggle to the proletarian movement, but strives to master all forms, for example: demonstrations, the parliamentary struggle, the revolutionary use of parliament when the situation dictates it, as well as higher forms of struggle, viz., armed insurrection, civil war and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Secondly, Leninism adopts a historical approach to the question as to what particular form of struggle is to be selected at any moment, taking into account the concrete circumstance of the given situation. Maximum flexibility must be displayed in the selection of means.
His health has deteriorated significantly. He has a bladder infection and is now in the hospital. Doctors say he needs urgent surgery and they are keeping him there under observation.
Ibrahim's father's health has deteriorated significantly! He is hospitalized and needs to remain under observation until he is stable enough to undergo surgery. Please help Ibrahim save his father. Leave Gaza and care for him and treat his cancer by donating here. This is the link to check out Ibrahim's campaign on the list: Gazavetters" #25
Guys, my father is fighting cancer and his situation is very difficult. Please help us get him out of here alive. We don’t want anything bad to happen to him. Please help us. Share and donate, please.
Kamen Rider Faiz (2003) is the most effective way of getting rid of social awkwardness and anxiety because after 50 fucking episodes of them not talking to each other properly you never want to feel a communication issue again
Frankfurt School critical theory has been—along with French theory—one of the hottest commodities of the global theory industry. Together, t
One of the most consistent political claims advanced by Adorno and Horkheimer is that there is a “totalitarian” equivalence between fascism and communism, if it manifests itself in socialist state-building projects, anticolonial movements of the “Third World,” or even New Left mobilizations in the Western world. In all three cases, those who think they are breaking out of the “shackling society,” are only making things worse. The patent fact that Western capitalist countries offered no significant bulwark against fascism, which arose within the capitalist world, and that it was precisely the Soviet Union that ultimately defeated it, does not seem to have caused them to reflect on the viability of this benighted and simplistic thesis (which is to say nothing of the importance of socialism to anti-colonial movements and the uprisings of the 1960s). In fact, for all of his moral opining on the horrors of Auschwitz, Adorno appears to have forgotten who actually liberated the infamous concentration camp (the Red Army).
Horkheimer had formulated his version of horseshoe theory with particular clarity in a limited circulation pamphlet published in 1942, which broke with the Aesopian language of many of the Institute’s other publications. Directly accusing Friedrich Engels of utopianism, he averred that the socialization of the means of production had led to an increase in repression, and ultimately to an authoritarian state. “The bourgeoisie earlier held the government in check through its property,” according to this millionaire’s son, whereas in new societies socialism simply “did not function,” except to produce the mistaken belief that one was—through the party, honored leader, or the supposed march of history—“acting in the name of something greater than oneself.” Horkheimer’s position in this piece is perfectly in line with anarcho-anti-communism, which is a very widespread ideology within the Western Left: a “classless democracy” is supposed to emerge spontaneously from the people through “free agreement,” without the supposedly pernicious influence of parties or states. As Domenico Losurdo has insightfully pointed out, the Nazi war machine was ravaging the USSR in the early 1940s, and Horkheimer’s call for socialists to abandon the state and party centralization therefore amounted to nothing less than a demand that they capitulate before the Nazis’s genocidal rampage.
Whereas there are vague suggestions at the end of Horkheimer’s 1942 pamphlet that there might be something desirable in socialism, later texts would bring into full relief their unequivocal rejection of it. For instance, when Adorno and Horkheimer were considering making a public statement on their relationship to the Soviet Union, the former sent the following draft of a planned co-authored piece to the latter: “Our philosophy, as a dialectical critique of the overall social tendency of the age, stands in the sharpest opposition to the politics and doctrine that emanates from the Soviet Union. We are unable to see anything in the practice of the military dictatorships disguised as people’s democracies other than a new form of repression.” It is worth noting in this regard, given the overwhelming lack of materialist analysis of actually existing socialism on the part of Adorno and Horkheimer, that even the CIA recognized that the Soviet Union was not a dictatorship. In a report dated March 2, 1955, the Agency clearly stated: “Even in Stalin’s time there was collective leadership. The Western idea of a dictator within the Communist setup is exaggerated. Misunderstandings on that subject are caused by lack of comprehension of the real nature and organization of the Communist power structure.”
In 1959, Adorno published a text entitled “The Meaning of Working through the Past” in which he recycled the “shameful truth” of “philistine wisdom” referenced in this earlier draft, namely that—in complete conformity with the dominant Cold War ideology in the West—fascism and communism are the same because they are two forms of “totalitarianism.” Openly rejecting the vantage point of “political-economic ideology,” which obviously distinguishes these two warring camps, Adorno claimed to have privileged access to a deeper social-psychological dynamic that unites them. As “authoritarian personalities,” he asserted ex cathedra, fascists and communists “possess weak egos” and compensate by identifying themselves with “real-existing power” and “great collectives.” The very notion of an “authoritarian personality” is thus a deceitful crotchet aimed at synthesizing opposites via psychologizing pseudo-dialectics. It begs the question, moreover, of why psychology and particular ways of thinking appear, at least here, to be more central to historical explanation than material forces and class struggle.
In spite of this attempt to psychologically identify fascists and communists, Adorno nonetheless suggested, in the same text, that the Nazi assault on the Soviet Union could be retrospectively justified due to the fact that the Bolsheviks were—like Hitler himself had said—a menace to Western civilization. “The threat that the East will engulf the foothills of Western Europe is obvious,” Adorno claimed, “and whoever fails to resist it is literally guilty of repeating Chamberlain’s appeasement.” The analogy is revealing because, in this case, it would mean appeasing the “fascist” communists if one did not directly fight against them. In other words, as obscure and convoluted as his phraseology is, this appears to be a clarion call for military opposition to the spread of communism (which is perfectly in line with Horkheimer’s support for the U.S.’s imperialist war in Vietnam).
