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Today's Document
AnasAbdin

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@pleasecallmealsip
“At the end of July, the sections and the fédérés from the provinces who had come to Paris to celebrate the 14 July demanded the deposition of Louis XVI. In the night of 9 to 10 August, the alarm sounded; Parisians and fédérés marched on the château of the Tuileries where the royal family resided. After a violent and bloody conflict, the insurgents were victorious. The monarchy was at an end. If 10 August 1792 was a day for men, women also took part in the assault, just as they had participated in the overthrow of the Bastille. A witness recounts: “I saw, an instant before the combat, an amiable and still young lady with a saber in her hand, standing on a rock, and I heard her harangue the multitude. Suddenly, thousands of women hurled themselves into the fray, some with sabers, others with pikes; I saw several kill Swiss guards there. Other women encouraged their husbands, their children, their fathers. This account is an exaggeration–there were not "thousands of women” among the assailants but several women who, here and there, saved the life of their fellow citizens and tore guns from the hands of the Swiss guards who defended the Château. Some women were founded, but more often they were held back by their companions than by the prospect of danger. The misfortune that befell Pauline Léon speaks eloquently here. After passing part of the night in her section, the young girl, armed with a pike, took her place in the rows of the battalion that went to the Tuileries, but she had to give up her arms to a sansculotte “at the request of all these patriots.” Now that a citizenship without social exclusivity was about to be legally established, now that what had been constructed and acquired through struggle was going to take legal form, women were again excluded. And we can already sense the paradox in the fact that women, who were admitted to be members of the Sovereign people when the populace tried to recapture their rights, did not enjoy all those rights, inasmuch as they were women. However, women proved their courage on 10 August, to honor their conduct on the attack of Tuileries, the fédérés awarded a civic crown to three women. The first was none other than Théroigne de Mericourt. The second, Louise Reine Audu, hit by a bullet in the thigh, had already attracted official attention during the women’s march to Versailles in October 1789 and was imprisoned at the end of that month. As for the third, her name still did not mean very much in the summer of 1792: unlike the first two, the twenty-seven-year-old actress Claire Lacombe had only lived in Paris for five months. Originally from a family of merchants in Ariège, she had, up until March 1792, successfully practiced her profession in Marseille, Lyon, and Toulon. Attracted to Paris by its fame as both a revolutionary and a theatrical capital, she had not remained a spectator, and on 25 July 1792, dressed as an Amazon (a style of dress common to both Théroigne de Méricourt and Louise Reine Audu), she had read an address to the Legislative Assembly, offering to combat the tyrants and asking for the arrest of General Dumouriez. Without work, she lived on her savings, regularly, attended Jacobin meetings, and was a member of the Fraternal Society of Patriots of Both Sexes.”
— Dominique Godineau comments on women’s involvement in 10 August in The Women of Paris and their French Revolution
marxism, crucially, is in fact correct btw
"so you think you are right and everyone else (liberals and anarchists) are wrong?" yes.
Urgent Emergency!! 🚨🚨🚨
Eileen and her family have come under attack by Israeli occupation forces (the Israeli army)❗
The occupation forces are currently bombing the area with gas canisters, and it is likely that they will begin shooting or shelling at any moment! 😞💔
The family is trying to escape, but three of its members suffer from physical disabilities. Adam, her 13-year-old son, has a head condition that limits his mobility.
Ala'a, her 20-year-old daughter, is unable to use her leg due to a previous injury caused by an earlier attack by the occupation forces. 💔
As for Eileen herself, she suffers from severe back pain, which makes it very difficult for her to move. 💔
Shaimaa, her 18-year-old daughter, is doing everything she can to help the family escape. 🥹💔
Eileen’s father, , lives with them in the tent.
He is 70 years old and sustained serious injuries during the war ، He has diabetes and was injured in a nearby bombing, which resulted in damage to his chest, shoulder, and right eye. He is in dire need of urgent surgery to regain his sight in it again.
Her mother She lost her life due to lack of treatment and hunger, as she was a cancer patient. May God protect us and you.
The family urgently needs transportation to escape, but it costs around $904 USD.
The situation is extremely dangerous and sensitive! We don’t know what the occupation forces are planning, and any delay could be fatal! 💔
Please share the family’s campaign and donate if you can! 🙏🏻💔💔
90-ghost verified
Hello, my name is Noé from France and I'm fundraising to help a friend and h… Noemie Pounder needs your support for Help Eileen's family in
Verified by @90-ghost May 24, 2025 post.
This campaign is current. July 22, 2025.
ok despite the queer subtext that just oozes from this scene i still think "honest people can breathe and act" juxtaposed with "against thousands of madmen" is a clear way of showing that danton has been dishonest throughout the whole play
I Sexually Identify as an Attack Helicopter was one of the best works of sci-fi of our generation and one of the best works of transgender fiction ever written, and there are world renowned authors who still have successful careers after they publicly assassinated the nascent woman who wrote it. I don't think they should ever know peace.
Isabel Fall is the patron saint of works unwritten and art unmade by a culture that cannot tolerate trans women
I think this constantly and then I get angry for thinking it, because trans women should not have to be martyrs or saints to animate our politics and our art. that work should have been her debut, not her epitaph. I should be moved by her career, not her absence. I could spit.
read it again
I made this from mad idea on my mind--- Prieur and Lavoisier... Also surprise request for @aedislumen
OH MY- 😭😭😭
Thank you very much I appreciated the thought a lot 🥺💙
For the people who are curious, there's no source stating Prieur had something against Lavoisier and the latter didn't criticize the metric system. This is born out of a conversation between me and Serknoire ☺️
unfortunately there is a really cool thing that homophobic censorship makes happen which is oftentimes forcing a connection between the realization of love and the exiting of the stage into the empty unformed space of infinite possibility. and that shit hits like crazyyyy. like sure its not imagining a better world or a world capable of sustaining queerness but because it is incapable of depicting the world with the fully realized love in it/the world beyond the stage it posits queer love as being potentially *infinitely* liberating. AND AGAIN THAT HITS!!!!!!!!
instead of asking "how many queer characters got buried" we might start asking "how many queer characters got to exit the stage after they realise the liberating potential of their love". everybody exits the stage sooner or later, the challenge lies at the foothold in the outside world.
since summer 2024 i have been reading various works by the professor gao mobo of the university of adelaide to unlearn my biases about the great proletarian cultural revolution (1966-76).
prof gao is among the few chinese writers who have 1) lived through the gpcr, and 2) spent most of the gpcr in his rural hometown, and 3) explained why the gpcr is viewed by chinese peasants and workers as a major w of mao, as contrasting the current official position that the gpcr was mao's mistake.
this sets prof gao leagues above various other chinese writers. 1) you get many liberal (derogatory) writers who have nothing but generalised contempt towards the gpcr, but they were either born after the gpcr, or were too young to remember anything that happened around them during the gpcr.
2) you get too many accounts about urban intellectuals, professors, school teachers etc being struggle-sessioned. 82% of china's population was rural in 1966. and yet this majority is constantly underrepresented in memoirs, autobiographies, and studies.
3) you get idealist accounts of how mao suddenly turned irrelevant or crazy after the late 1950s. this later became a genre of bourgeois anti-maoist propaganda. in the words of joshua moufawad-paul:
When the Cultural Revolution failed and the “capitalist roaders” became the directors of China’s national destiny, Mao’s rich and revolutionary legacy was obscured behind successive waves of reactionary historiography, both from the centres of capitalism and China itself. In the centres of Capitalism the Cultural Revolution was depicted as an orgy of violence, directed by the boogey-man pyschopath Mao Zedong, where tens of millions of people were intentionally massacred. In China the Cultural Revolution was similarly denounced; Mao’s image was retained as a cipher for state capitalist politics––a politics completely antagonistic to Mao himself. And then, when Maoism was no longer a threat to Euroamerican imperialism, the scary Mao disappeared from popular discourse. Instead we were given the kitsch Mao, the Mickey Mao, the Mao as commodity.
gao explained how the gpcr policies led to a stronger tie between the chinese government and local policies in his hometown of gao village, poyang county, jiangxi province, and therefore to a decrease in inter-clan feuds. before the gpcr, much of local policy-making was affected, if not directly influenced, by these inter-clan feuds. after the gpcr, some of these feuds resumed, and the gao village (where all villagers descend from the same gao clan), being one of the smaller villages in poyang county, became helpless when its water resources were affected by the decisions of a neighbouring, larger village-clan.
gao further clarified that the healthcare and educational progress in gao village during the gpcr was due to collectivisation + commune + work brigades + the institution of barefoot doctors and barefoot teachers, all of which were discarded and rolled back in the late 70s and early 80s.
Hello everyone, if you can please share and donate to the Shehab family’s campaign to support them through displacement and famine. Sahar, her family of eight (five of whom are children), and extended family (three are children) need funds to survive as food, water, formula and baby products become more and more scarce and expensive. All donations will go towards evacuation funds, and to help them recover afterwards and build towards a brighter future once more. Please keep this family in your hearts and minds, and show them your kindness through sharing and donating, thank you. @danashehab is one of the accounts for the family who contacted and asked me to make this post for them.
Tags below the cut, let me know if you’d rather be removed.
@fricklefracklefloof @pocketsizedquasar-3 @a-shade-of-blue @autisticmudkip @punkitt-is-here @heritageposts @sayruq
this will be my legacy.
excerpt from Gao Mobo, on primary education in his hometown, Gao Village, during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-76).
It is extremely unlikely that there would have been a village school in Gao Village without the Cultural Revolution initiative. Owing to the existence of the village school almost all children in Gao Village have had at least two years' education. During the Cultural Revolution almost all children including girls had an elementary education of three years. This was made possible not only because the village school had made going to school more convenient, but also because of the very low cost. Like the other villages, the "barefoot teacher" earned only work points. Moreover, the cost of books was deliberately kept low by the state government. The other fundamental reason why parents were willing to send their children to school during the Cultural Revolution was the fact that agrarian radicalism was so egalitarian that there was no rationale whatsoever for the parents not to send their children to school. In the extreme version of the commune system, the distribution of agricultural produce (which was all the villagers had) was carried out on an absolutely equal per capita basis. As a result, those households with more labourers and fewer children were actually subsidising those households with fewer labourers and more children. In other words, there was virtually no difference in terms of income between those households that were in the red and those that were in the black. The difference in income had to come from family management and better output from private plots. Individual household contributions to the commune, that is, labour input to the production team, was not correspondingly rewarded with distribution. Debts and credits were in the accounting books only and settlements were delayed indefinitely.
-- Gao Mobo, Gao Village: Rural Life in Modern China (1999)
Getting thiiiiiiis close to bringing back One Drop Rules.
The story of Heinz Ratjan has been used to justify gender testing at the Olympics—but we've gotten it all wrong.
At this point ContraPoints is basically the Slavoj Žižek of trans politics
Like, in the new video she spends two-hours talking about how misguided it is to attribute major historical events to the scheming of a handful of individuals, before offhandedly calling the cultural revolution “a Machiavellian scheme” by Mao to maintain relevance 🙃
Genuine question, what did Stalin think of Zionism?
Stalin as an individual was never a fan of Zionism (or Jewish nationalism in general). For most of his political life, he spoke out against such ethnic and religious chauvinism, for example saying in 1913 in "Marxism and the National Question" on the question of whether or not the Jewish people constitute a nation that it is only religion that connects the disparate Jewish diaspora communities, asking "how can it be seriously maintained that petrified religious rites and fading psychological relics affect the 'destiny' of these Jews more powerfully than the living social, economic and cultural environment that surrounds them?" In addition, in Chapter 6 of the Foundations of Leninism, "On the National Question", Stalin stressed the importance of combating colonialism and promoting the national liberation of colonies as part of a broader anti-imperialist struggle.
Yet it is from this same opposition to chauvinism that led him to condemn at every turn antisemitism and hostility towards the Jewish people. As he stated quite clearly to the Jewish News Agency in 1931, "Anti-semitism is of advantage to the exploiters as a lightning conductor that deflects the blows aimed by the working people at capitalism. Anti-semitism is dangerous for the working people as being a false path that leads them off the right road and lands them in the jungle. Hence Communists, as consistent internationalists, cannot but be irreconcilable, sworn enemies of anti-semitism." In this vein of communistic opposition to antisemitism, upon the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee was founded in the Soviet Union in order to coordinate international support from Jewish communities abroad towards the Soviet war effort.
However, Stalin was neither a dictator nor an ideologue. His personal beliefs did not alone shape the policy of the Soviet Union, and he was often pragmatic in his dealings as a national leader. The Soviets, while initially advocating for a secular and multi-ethnic democracy in Palestine, ended up backing the partition of Palestine and the creation of Israel as a Jewish state. The Soviet representative at the UN, Andrei Gromyko, explicitly invoked the recent memory of the Holocaust in his defense for the Soviet decision, decades before the West would adopt the same rhetoric in defense of Israel (probably because such rhetoric had been associated with the communists at first.)
That said, I have not been able to find a single quote from Stalin in his own words expressing support for Israel or Zionism. While many sources make the mistake of identifying Soviet policy with Stalin's own thoughts and beliefs, whenever it comes to the question of Soviet support for Israel, it is always other members of the Soviet government who are quoted. I cannot say for certain that Stalin was not in agreement with the Soviet decision to back Israel at the UN, but I cannot say for certain he was, either.
Soviet friendliness towards Israel would not last for long. The Soviets had been convinced, due in no small part to the fervent efforts of Zionist diplomats both during and after the war, that Israel would be a neutral, even Soviet-leaning nation. The reality of the matter quickly asserted itself, as Israel almost immediately sought ties with Western powers upon independence, as well as conducting active propaganda campaigns trying to convince the Jewish citizens of the Eastern Bloc to emigrate. By 1948, the year following Israel's independence, the Soviet Union began efforts to combat Zionism as part of a broader campaign against "cosmopolitanism", or pro-Western and pro-imperialist sentiment. (It should be noted that while the anti-cosmopolitan campaign during this period has often been maligned as "antisemitic" by Western commentators, and while I will not claim there was no excess or intolerance involved, the campaign was not at all targeted towards Jews. Zionism, while widespread, was not a very popular political position among the Jewish members of the Eastern Bloc and the opposition against Zionism came just as much from Jewish communists as it did from non-Jewish communists.)
Relevant reading:
The Soviet Union and the Creation of the State of Israel, Gabriel Gorodetsky (a detailed look into the diplomatic efforts to achieve Soviet support for Israel, primarily from the Zionist perspective)
Stalin: The History and Critique of a Black Legend, Domenico Losurdo (while not focused on Israel, it provides more information on the Soviet perspective on the matter during the chapter addressing claims of Stalin's antisemitism. It does make the mistake of identifying Soviet policy with Stalin's own beliefs, however.)
Human Rights in the Soviet Union, Albert Szymanski (this and the previous book discuss in part the charges of antisemitism relating to the anti-cosmopolitan campaign)
The fact of the matter is that without the diplomatic support of the Soviet Union and arms from Czechoslovakia, Israel would not have been established or able to carry out the Nakba. Whatever Stalin's personal inclinations these came secondary to the Soviet state's interest in potentially gaining another satellite. If anything this is a vindication of trotskyist critiques of Socialism in One Country as a policy which emphasise that the interests of the Soviet bureaucracy increasingly came before the interests of both the Soviet and international working class.
It is also pretty laughable to try and whitewash the Anti Cosmopolitan Campaign considering one of the main promptings for it was the influence of the Jewish Antifascist Committee. One of the results of the arrest of most of its leadership is that The Black Book of Soviet Jewry, the most complete account of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union compiled by Vasily Grossman on behalf of the JAC in 1946, did not receive a Russian language publication until 1980. You are doing yourself a disservice by learning about these things solely from uncritical apologists for the system.
If you think I am learning about these things "solely from uncritical apologists", you are mistaken, and the works I linked to above do not shy away from discussing the issues you mention here. Losurdo's book explicitly states "The support given by [Stalin] to the foundation and consolidation of the Jewish State is at the same time a contribution given to the Nakbah, that is the national “catastrophe” for the Palestinian people, who for decades continue to languish in refugee camps and in the territories subjected to a ruthless military occupation and a rampant process of colonization." Szymanski's book as well states "the hysteria and the purges of 1948-53 seem to have been the outcome of a considerable over-estimation of the danger from pro-Western Jewish and Zionist forces in the Soviet Union. Many innocent Jews appeared to have suffered, although little permanent harm seems to have resulted either to individuals or to their careers. The Soviets were slow, however, in restoring the various Yiddish cultural institutions that were closed in the 1948-53 campaign, and, combined with the rapid undermining of Yiddish and Yiddish culture through urbanization, education and professionalization; this has meant that distinctive Jewish cultural life never regained the level of the pre-1948 period."
When I said that the anti-cosmopolitan campaign did not target Jews, I did not say that to mean that no Jewish people were unfairly treated. I said that to state the fact that the campaign was drawn on political and not ethnic or religious lines, and that people of all ethnic and religious backgrounds were found on both sides of the struggle. You cannot on the one hand condemn the Soviets for backing the Zionists in 1947 while on the other condemning the Soviets for combating Zionism by the latter half of 1948.
You mention the late publication of the Black Book, and yet you only mention Grossman, when the book in fact had two authors; Ehrenburg and Grossman. Ehrenburg was a famous and celebrated Soviet Jewish author, especially at the time. Ehrenburg was also a vocal anti-Zionist and supporter of Stalin. Is it unfortunate that this book was caught up in the political turmoil of the time, even as Gromyko was echoing its sentiment at the UN? Absolutely. But neither Ehrenburg nor Grossman were arrested or charged with any crime over it.
ANTI-GAMER MOOD BOARD
UNDER SOCIALISM, GAMERS WILL BE LIQUIDATED AS A CLASS