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"I'm Dorothy Gale from Kansas"
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Told myself never again I donât let nobody in
Digital Dash by Drake & Future (via foxesandtales)
me to the bullshit
Whitespeak is English as used by White and Whitewashed people. You see it on Fox News and in The Economist. It is noticeably different than the Standard English taught at school and recorded in dictionaries.
Some examples where Whites do not use words with their dictionary meanings:
All-American / American / British / Canadian, etc â White people.
ghetto (adj) â said of Black culture not approved by Whites.
cool (adj) â said of Black culture approved by Whites.
urban â Black.
inner city â scary Black neighbourhoods.
War on Drugs â War on Black People.
War on Terror â War of Terror.
nation building â nation destroying.
the police are just doing their job â the police are just terrorizing Black people.
let the process work â let the police get away with murder.
wait till the facts are in â wait till the police investigate themselves.
soft on crime â not keeping Blacks in their place.
Black-on-Black crime / just obey the law â police brutality is not a big deal.
no angel / no saint â deserved to be brutalized by police.
savages / terrorists / thugs â non-Whites who stand up to White violence seen as immoral.
thug â 1. The N-word. 2. Blacks as naturally violent. 3. Deserved to die for being Black.
native / savage â someone whose land is being stolen.
settler / pioneer / colonist â someone who is stealing land.
terrorist â 1. A Muslim who kills White people. 2. A non-state actor who uses violence to oppose Western interests.
freedom fighter â a non-state actor who uses violence to further Western interests.
freedom â freedom for White men.
the free world â the American empire.
regime â an anti-American government.
democracy â a pro-American government.
spreading democracy â American imperialism. See democracy.
justice system â injustice system.
progress â that which furthers White or US (business) interests.
truth / myth / history â as determined by White universities and the White press.
racist â 1. Someone who uses the N-word or joins the Klan. 2. A Black person who points out White racism.
whitey â a racist slur about Whites used to put down Blacks by putting it in their mouths to make them seem racist.
Some of my best friends are Black / it was just a joke / Iâm not racist, but ⊠â do not call out my racism.
sorry â sorry that you are oversensitive.
playing the race card / Martin Luther King / get over it â shut up, racism does not affect me so I do not care.
hard-working Americans / taxpayers â White people. Blacks are lazy.
gated community / nice neighbourhood / a good place to raise kids â a racist, lily-White neighbourhood.
proper English â White English, especially as a sign of intelligence and education as measured by standardized tests.
No problemo â improper Spanish, not as a sign of lacking intelligence, but of not being (ew) Mexican.
Where are you really from? â You are not really American, Canadian, etc.
You are pretty for a Black girl â White women are the standard of beauty.
Youâre not like other Blacks â most of what I know about Black people comes from television and racist Whites.
I donât see you as Black â Black people make me uncomfortable.
Why canât I use the N-word? â I am racist.
Truly.
No lies at all
When the test ainât shit like the reviewÂ
this girl is a legend
My choice for Saturday is up in the air.
Hahahahha
1996
Corporate coffers are stuffed full. Their piggy banks runneth over. Since the mid-70s all real income growth has happened for the 10% of earners: top managers, owners and CEOs. But, strangely, busi...
We are a divided nation; and we are divided in at least four ways.
Group 1: The richest of the rich are in charge. They arenât Republicans, they arenât Libertarians⊠they are Privileged Plutocrats.
Group 2: The poorest of the poor. They arenât Democrats, they arenât Blue-collar Republicans. They donât have the luxury of time (and, often education) to think about politics. They are simply trying to survive. And, they are likely homeless, children, people of color, or undocumented immigrants.
Then thereâs âthe rest of us:â Democrats, Republican, Independents, and an entire horde of political movement âwanna-beâs from The Tea Party to The Green Party.
âThe rest of usâ are actually split into two groups (with a few exceptions) who have all bought into the narrative the Plutocrats and their hired political and mass media henchmen have been selling us. When it comes right down to it, we are well divided down the middle: those who like what the current President (Clinton, Bush, and Obama) is doing, and those who donât. âUsâ verses âthem.â
Group 3: Us.
Group 4: Them.
Four Americas: An insanely rich governing class: Plutocrats. A class struggling for basic survival needs. And the divided middle: Us versus Them.
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April 24, 1955: Heads of state of African and Asian nations convene at the Bandung Conference.
Sixty years ago in Bandung, Indonesia, representatives from twenty-nine countries across Asia and Africa gathered to discuss their collective future in the turmoil of the Cold War and in the aftermath of, for many of these nations, the end of formal colonialism. Its principal organizers were Indonesia, Burma, Pakistan, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), and India. Also present were colossal figures of Third World decolonization and anti-imperialist efforts, to name a few: Jawaharlal Nehru, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Ho Chi Minh and Nguyen Thi Binh, Nelson Mandela, Ben Bella, U Nu, and Indonesiaâs own Sukarno. Chinaâs exuberant Zhou Enlai was also present at the conference, where he alternately worried and placated other leaders about his countryâs intentions.Â
Many of these leaders and the populations they claimed to represent constituted the whole of the national social and class hierarchy - that broad spectrum included the interests of the wealthy bourgeoisie, the peasants, the workers, the landlords and industrial elites. Even across those countries that gathered in Bandung, often the only common factor was a shared history of colonialism and anticolonialist struggle. Their leaders included self-described Marxists and conservatives and all else in between. Sukarno acknowledged this when he declared that the countries were united not by âskinsâ or âreligionâ but by âa common detestation of colonialism in whatever form it appears⊠by a common determination to preserve and stabilize peace in the world.â Their principal goals, it was decided, would be to promote universal human rights and national sovereignty, to combat neocolonialism, to replace war, arms proliferation, and coercion with peaceful arbitration as the principal means of international intercourse. There were also considerations of spurring economic development and attaining economic independence through coordination. Â
The United States, naturally wary of a conference of Third World leaders with an independent agenda, did not officially send a representative. Adam Clayton Powell, a black representative in the U.S. Congress, was in attendance against the advice of the State Department. He noted that the conference was âanti-American foreign policyâ and that it would âbecome an anti-white movement unless a narrow-minded and unskilled American foreign policy is revised.â Another American, Richard Wright, was in attendance; in 1956 he published The Color Curtain, an account of the conference, and observed:
What had these nations in common? Nothing, it seemed to me, but what their past relationship to the Western world had made them feel. This meeting of the rejected was in itself a kind of judgment upon the Western world.
Wrightâs sentiment, and the sentiment of many intellectuals in the optimistic early years of postcolonialism, gave rise to a phrase: the âspirit of Bandungâ - a blunt rejection of economic and cultural marginalization of the worldâs exploited nations by its powerful ones, plus a great faith in global institutions like the United Nations, and a great faith in the potential for international coordination. Substantial and irreconcilable rifts divided these leaders and their national interests not long after, but much that transpired in these countries in the years following 1955, including conferences in Cairo (1961), Belgrade (1961), and Havana (1966), social reform attempts, postcolonial developmental efforts, etc., followed in the âspirit of Bandung.â