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Stone House in, Northern Portugal
BND Chief Gerhard Schindler told a parliamentary enquiry on Thursday that Germany's dependence on the NSA led to a series of errors on the part of the BND, allowing the NSA to spy on European officials and commercial organizations.
The head of the German Federal Intelligence Service [BND] told an investigative committee of the Bundestag that the agency allowed the NSA to gain access to sensitive information unchecked for years, but defended the cooperation with the US spy agency, saying that "we need the cooperation with the US."
The inquiry was launched after it emerged in mid-April that Germany's foreign intelligence service BND had assisted NSA in spying on high-ranking European officials and corporations.
"The review of the selectors [search items requested by the NSA] was incomplete from the outset," said the spy chief of the collaboration between the NSA and BND, which began in 2005.
Selectors requested by the NSA included phone numbers or email or IP addresses, which were then used to conduct surveillance from the BND facility in Bad Aibling, close to Munich.
Schindler told the hearing, held in the Bundestag on Thursday, that the BND did not carry out any comprehensive check on the selectors being requested by the NSA until August 2013, despite some spot-checks indicating problematic selectors in 2010 and 2011. Schindler, who joined the BND in 2012, was not told of the discovery of problematic selectors until March last year.
To the question of why BND employees did not notify superiors about the requests from the NSA, Schindler replied that he imagined it was due to the BND's "great technical dependence" on the NSA. The spy chief added that a lack of communication between BND headquarters and its branches across the country was also to blame for the failures.
Schindler further defended his agency's collaboration with the NSA on the grounds that Germany is reliant on the NSA's help.
"We are dependent on the NSA, not the other was around," said Schindler. "The NSA is our partner, not our rival."
The parliamentary committee investigating BND activities requested the German government to give access to a full list of targets provided by US intelligence.
Here’s How to Download and Delete What Google Search Knows About You
Have you ever what Google Search really knows about you? Well, now you can check, as Google has added a new feature that lets you view and download your entire search history.
Yep. Everything.
The feature, which was spotted by the unofficial Google Operating System Blog — though VentureBeat points out that the function was made available in January — gives you access to everything from what you searched for to the links you clicked on from those searches. It also shows you the addresses you’ve searched for.
I was even able to see the list of images I clicked on while searching for pictures of cats eating spaghetti. Now imagine what you’ve looked for. Oh, and clearing your browser history won’t delete this data.
But there’s no reason to panic, because in addition to being able to download your search history, you can clear it.
First, here’s how to download your history:
1. Navigate to Google’s Web and App Activity page.
You’ll then receive a pop-up window warning you not to download your search history to a public computer, as it contains a large amount of sensitive information.
4. If you want to continue, click Create Archive.
Once your history is downloaded, you’ll receive a link in a few seconds that lets you view your data.
If you don’t want to download your data, and would rather get rid of it, you can do that as well. Of course, there are some reasons to let Google keep your search data. For one thing, it guarantees faster search results. It also ensures that Google Now has all of the latest relevant information about you. If you delete your data, your searches won’t be as tailored to your habits.
Still want to get rid of your search history? Here’s how:
Before we get started, it’s worth pointing out that if you want to keep your information hidden, you can use your browser’s privacy option, which keeps Google from saving your data — though it can still be seen by your service provider or employer.
Simply deleting you browser history won’t clear the data saved by Google, as you’re only deleting the information stored by your browser and not what’s on Google’s servers. To do that, you’ll have to:
1. Navigate to the Web and App Activity Page and click the gear iconin the top-right corner.
That’s it. All of your search history will be deleted.
“The year is 2025. The population is 325 million, and the FBI has the DNA profiles of all of them. Unlike fingerprints, these profiles reveal vital medical information. The universal database arrived surreptitiously. First, the Department of Defense’s repository of DNA samples from all military personnel, established to identify remains of soldiers missing from action, was given to the FBI. Then local police across the country shadowed individuals, collecting shed DNA for the databank. On the way, thousands of innocent people were imprisoned because they had the misfortune to have race-based crime genes in their DNA samples. Sadly, it did not have to be this way. If only we had passed laws against collecting and using shed DNA….”—Professor David H. Kaye
Every dystopian sci-fi film we’ve ever seen is suddenly converging into this present moment in a dangerous trifecta between science, technology and a government that wants to be all-seeing, all-knowing and all-powerful.
By tapping into your phone lines and cell phone communications, the government knows what you say. By uploading all of your emails, opening your mail, and reading your Facebook posts and text messages, the government knows what you write. By monitoring your movements with the use of license plate readers, surveillance cameras and other tracking devices, the government knows where you go.
By churning through all of the detritus of your life—what you read, where you go, what you say—the government can predict what you will do. By mapping the synapses in your brain, scientists—and in turn, the government—will soon know what you remember. And by accessing your DNA, the government will soon know everything else about you that they don’t already know: your family chart, your ancestry, what you look like, your health history, your inclination to follow orders or chart your own course, etc.
Of course, none of these technologies are foolproof. Nor are they immune from tampering, hacking or user bias. Nevertheless, they have become a convenient tool in the hands of government agents to render null and void the Constitution’s requirements of privacy and its prohibitions against unreasonable searches and seizures.
Consequently, no longer are we “innocent until proven guilty” in the face of DNA evidence that places us at the scene of a crime, behavior sensing technology that interprets our body temperature and facial tics as suspicious, and government surveillance devices that cross-check our biometrics, license plates and DNA against a growing database of unsolved crimes and potential criminals.
The government’s questionable acquisition and use of DNA to identify individuals and “solve” crimes has come under particular scrutiny in recent years. Until recently, the government was required to at least observe some basic restrictions on when, where and how it could access someone’s DNA. That has all been turned on its head by various U.S. Supreme Court rulings, including the recent decision to let stand the Maryland Court of Appeals’ ruling in Raynor v. Maryland, which essentially determined that individuals do not have a right to privacy when it comes to their DNA.
Although Glenn Raynor, a suspected rapist, willingly agreed to be questioned by police, he refused to provide them with a DNA sample. No problem. Police simply swabbed the chair in which Raynor had been sitting and took what he refused to voluntarily provide. Raynor’s DNA was a match, and the suspect became a convict. In refusing to hear the case, the U.S. Supreme Court gave its tacit approval for government agents to collect shed DNA, likening it to a person’s fingerprints or the color of their hair, eyes or skin.
Whereas fingerprint technology created a watershed moment for police in their ability to “crack” a case, DNA technology is now being hailed by law enforcement agencies as the magic bullet in crime solving. It’s what police like to refer to a “modern fingerprint.” However, unlike a fingerprint, a DNA print reveals everything about “who we are, where we come from, and who we will be.”
With such a powerful tool at their disposal, it was inevitable that the government’s collection of DNA would become a slippery slope toward government intrusion. Certainly, it was difficult enough trying to protect our privacy in the wake of a 2013 Supreme Court ruling in Maryland v. King that likened DNA collection to photographing and fingerprinting suspects when they are booked, thereby allowing the government to take DNA samples from people merely “arrested” in connection with “serious” crimes. At that time, Justice Antonin Scalia warned that as a result of the Court’s ruling, “your DNA can be taken and entered into a national database if you are ever arrested, rightly or wrongly, and for whatever reason.”
Now, in the wake of this Raynor ruling, Americans are vulnerable to the government accessing, analyzing and storing their DNA without their knowledge or permission. As the dissenting opinion in Raynor for the Maryland Court of Appeals rightly warned, “a person desiring to keep her DNA profile private, must conduct her public affairs in a hermetically sealed hazmat suit…. The Majority’s holding means that a person can no longer vote, participate in a jury, or obtain a driver’s license, without opening up his genetic material for state collection and codification.”
All 50 states now maintain their own DNA databases, although the protocols for collection differ from state to state. That DNA is also being collected in the FBI’s massive national DNA database, code-named CODIS (Combined DNA Index System), which was established as a way to identify and track convicted felons and has since become a de facto way to identify and track the American people from birth to death.
A list of known NSA spying techniques
The USA can access personal email, chat, and web browsing history. (Source)
The USA tracks the numbers of both parties on phone calls, their locations, as well as time and duration of the call. (Source)
The USA can monitor text messages. (Source)
The USA can monitor the data in smartphone applications. (Source)
The USA can crack cellphone encryption codes. (Source)
The USA can identify individuals’ friends, companions, and social networks. (Source)
The USA monitors financial transactions. (Source)
The USA monitors credit card purchases. (Source)
The USA intercepts troves of personal webcam video from innocent people. (Source)
The USA is working to crack all types of sophisticated computer encryption. (Source)
The USA monitors communications between online gamers. (Source)
The USA can set up fake Internet cafes to spy on unsuspecting users. (Source)
The USA can remotely access computers by setting up a fake wireless connection. (Source)
The USA can use radio waves to hack computers that aren’t connected to the internet. (Source)
The USA can set up fake social networking profiles on LinkedIn for spying purposes. (Source)
The USA undermines secure networks [Tor] by diverting users to non-secure channels. (Source)
The USA can intercept phone calls by setting up fake mobile telephony base stations. (Source)
The USA can install a fake SIM card in a cell phone to secretly control it. (Source)
The USA can physically intercept packages, open them, and alter electronic devices. (Source)
The USA makes a USB thumb drive that provides a wireless backdoor into the host computer. (Source)
The USA can set up stations on rooftops to monitor local cell phone communications. (Source)
The USA spies on text messages in China and can hack Chinese cell phones. (Source)
The USA spies on foreign leaders’ cell phones. (Source)
The USA intercepts meeting notes from foreign dignitaries. (Source)
The USA has hacked into the United Nations’ video conferencing system. (Source)
The USA can spy on ambassadors within embassies. (Source)
The USA can track hotel reservations to monitor lodging arrangements. (Source)
The USA can track communications within media organizations. (Source)
The USA can tap transoceanic fiber-optic cables. (Source)
The USA can intercept communications between aircraft and airports. (Source)
here’s a gif of cat:
A list of known NSA spying techniques
The USA can access personal email, chat, and web browsing history. (Source)
The USA tracks the numbers of both parties on phone calls, their locations, as well as time and duration of the call. (Source)
The USA can monitor text messages. (Source)
The USA can monitor the data in smartphone applications. (Source)
The USA can crack cellphone encryption codes. (Source)
The USA can identify individuals’ friends, companions, and social networks. (Source)
The USA monitors financial transactions. (Source)
The USA monitors credit card purchases. (Source)
The USA intercepts troves of personal webcam video from innocent people. (Source)
The USA is working to crack all types of sophisticated computer encryption. (Source)
The USA monitors communications between online gamers. (Source)
The USA can set up fake Internet cafes to spy on unsuspecting users. (Source)
The USA can remotely access computers by setting up a fake wireless connection. (Source)
The USA can use radio waves to hack computers that aren’t connected to the internet. (Source)
The USA can set up fake social networking profiles on LinkedIn for spying purposes. (Source)
The USA undermines secure networks [Tor] by diverting users to non-secure channels. (Source)
The USA can intercept phone calls by setting up fake mobile telephony base stations. (Source)
The USA can install a fake SIM card in a cell phone to secretly control it. (Source)
The USA can physically intercept packages, open them, and alter electronic devices. (Source)
The USA makes a USB thumb drive that provides a wireless backdoor into the host computer. (Source)
The USA can set up stations on rooftops to monitor local cell phone communications. (Source)
The USA spies on text messages in China and can hack Chinese cell phones. (Source)
The USA spies on foreign leaders’ cell phones. (Source)
The USA intercepts meeting notes from foreign dignitaries. (Source)
The USA has hacked into the United Nations’ video conferencing system. (Source)
The USA can spy on ambassadors within embassies. (Source)
The USA can track hotel reservations to monitor lodging arrangements. (Source)
The USA can track communications within media organizations. (Source)
The USA can tap transoceanic fiber-optic cables. (Source)
The USA can intercept communications between aircraft and airports. (Source)
here’s a gif of cat:
Oversight boards and congressional subcommittees can occasionally be effective, but nothing keeps the government in check like investigative reporting. Here are eight stories about surveillance that made our jaws drop this year:
Counter-surveillance Burglars Reveals Themselves
One of the earliest scoops of the year was 43 years in the making. For her 2014 book, “The Burglary: The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover’s Secret FBI,” former Washington Post reporter Betty Medsger convinced several members of an activist group, the Citizens’ Commission to Investigate the FBI, to finally go on record about how, in 1971, they stole records showing the agency’s shocking surveillance operations.
NSA Spying on Muslim Leaders
In July, First Look Media’s Glenn Greenwald and Murtaza Hussain dropped the bombshell that the NSA has been spying on Muslim-American leaders, including the executive director and founder of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, a longtime EFF client. The report was based largely on the Snowden cache, which also included an email where the term “Mohammed Raghead” is used as a placeholder target in a surveillance document template.
Stingrays on a Plane
Over the last few years, the privacy and civil liberties community has become more and more concerned over the use of fake cell phone towers, also known as “IMSI catchers” or “Stingrays,” to vacuum up data from everyday people. Devlin Barrett at the Wall Street Journalreported on one device, nicknamed “dirtbox,” which the U.S. Marshals have attached to planes to gather enormous amounts of cell phone data. (The WSJstory is behind a paywall, so check out the Washington Post and Wired’s versions.)
Sabu and the FBI
Daily Dot and Vice’s Motherboard obtained leaked chat logs and other documents, some of which were under seal, involving hacker and FBI informant Hector Xavier Monsegur, aka “Sabu.” The FBI credited Sabu with helping them cripple Anonymous. The reports raises important questions about how much the feds knew as he orchestrated major attacks against companies and foreign nations.
NSA on the Side
Reuters’ Warren Strobel and Mark Hosenball reported on how the NSA’s Chief Technical Officer Patrick Dowd was moonlighting for former NSA Chief Keith Alexander’s new company. Meanwhile, Vice’s Jason Leopold used a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit to obtain Alexander’s annual financial disclosure records (The Daily Beast’s Shane Harris also published an incisive analysis of Alexander’s investments). Then Buzzfeed’s Aram Roston revealed how the husband of then-head of the NSA’s Signals Intelligence Directorate Theresa Shea was seeking government contracts in signals intelligence work.
DEA’s Fake Facebook Page
Buzzfeed’s Chris Hamby was the first to report on a lawsuit by a woman who says Drug Enforcement Administration officers took personal images from her cell phone and used them to create a fake Facebook page to investigate other suspects. The story drew condemnations against the DEA both from Facebook and Sen. Patrick Leahy.
License Plate Reader Shenanigans
Wired, Los Angeles Times and the Center for Investigative Reporting each zeroed in on Vigilant Solutions, one of the main suppliers of automatic license plate readers and license plate data to law enforcement agencies. Among the more sketchy practices: aggressive lobbying, quotas on busts, and policies forbidding cops from communicating with the media.
Boston’s Secret Surveillance Systems
In DigBoston’s “Boston Trolling” series, reporters Chris Faraone, Kenneth Lipp, and Jonathan Riley searched the deep web to uncover creepy new technologies being deployed against Boston citizens, including the testing of high-definition facial recognition technologies against attendees of the annual Boston Calling music festival.
H.R. 4681 and why it's terrifying
Disclaimer: I am not a lawyer. Do not use anything explained here as legal advice, especially since I may have gotten something wrong.
The way I understand it, H.R. 4681 is literally the kind of concept novels like 1984 and Brave New World were based on. The provisions that were snuck into the bill are in Section 309, “Procedures for the retention of incidentally acquired communications.”
There is a concept in criminal law called the “plain view doctrine.” As defined in Coolidge v. New Hampshire (1971), if an officer is lawfully present, he may seize objects that are in “plain view.” For instance, if an officer is called to a house on reports of a violent altercation, and while in the house discovers several packets of cocaine sitting on a desk, the cocaine is said to be in “plain view” and is admissible evidence in court if the homeowner is then brought up on drug charges. The officer does not need a warrant to comply with the Fourth Amendment in that scenario, because he is lawfully in that home and the cocaine was in plain view.
Imagine it like this: The United States suspects that American citizens might be harboring terrorists. Therefore, the government authorizes law enforcement agents to enter every single building in the entire country and look for terrorists. Anything that they discover in “plain view” during that process can be used against you. Does that sound far-fetched? Well, maybe, maybe not; it’s hard to imagine that kind of sweeping search being compliant with the Fourth Amendment, but the Patriot Act et. al. seem to blur the lines.
What if there was something similar that didn’t have the protections that your home had? What about something like your phone calls? Doesn’t the U.S. already collect your phone calls and online communications en masse to intercept terrorists? What if the plain view doctrine could be applied to that, allowing them to legally wiretap everyone in the country without a warrant using communications gathered in the War on Terror? Well, you would basically have yourself a country where the government collects everything you say and type to be used against you in the criminal justice system. If that isn’t dystopian, I could not tell you what is.
But wait! I hear the stubborn, shrill cry of the ostrich. “But I’m not doing anything illegal! I have nothing to hide,” it crows. How do you know that, really? Have you read the laws, personally, and you know for a fact that you’re complying with them? Are you so confident in that when websites like Dumb Laws exist? Are you aware that “ignorantia juris non excusat”? Are you so sure that the law would never target you when the arbitrariness and brutality of the police force is so often in the news? Criminal rights are something we think we’ll never need until we do. Don’t be so ignorant as to think you can see the future.
And even if you don’t live in the U.S., be aware that this could happen to you. No country is immune. Raise your voice and make it heard. The hottest places in Hell are reserved for those who, in times of great moral crisis, maintain their neutrality. Tell everyone you know and do everything you can. Sign petitions, call your representatives. If you say nothing, and do nothing, then your silence will be seen as consent. Whether you believe you can truly make a difference or not, do not let anyone think you consent to this.
The Senate passed a bill meant to protect the nation’s critical infrastructure against cybersecurity threats on Thursday. The Cybersecurity Act (S. 1353) would allow for the creation of a set of industrial standards to protect key industrial sectors including energy, telecommunications and finance.
The standards would be voluntary, and developed as a partnership between the Department of Homeland Security with private industry leaders to reduce the risk of cyber attacks. The bill now heads to the House of Representatives for further review.
The Cybersecurity Act has four major components including the creation of new standards. They include a federal “research and development plan to meet cybersecurity objectives, including how to guarantee individual privacy, verify third-party software and hardware, address insider threats, determine the origin of messages transmitted over the Internet, and protect information stored using cloud computing or transmitted through wireless services.”
The act also calls for federal support of “competitions and challenges” meant to stimulate innovations in cyber security, as well as national campaigns to raise awareness and understanding of the risks involved with “use of the Internet” and “social media.”
The act codifies the Department of Homeland Security’s existing National Cybersecurity and Communications Integration Center. The bill calls on the center to serve as a federal civilian information sharing interface for cybersecurity. It also authorizes the center’s current activities to share cybersecurity information and analysis with the private sector, provide incident response and technical assistance to companies and federal agencies and recommend security measures to enhance cybersecurity.
“Cyber security is one of the biggest national security challenges our country faces. Our laws should reflect that reality,” Sen. Tom Carper (D-DE) said in a statement. “It is critical that the Department continues to build strong relationships with businesses, state and local governments, and other entities across the country so that we can all be better prepared to stop cyber attacks and quickly address those intrusions that do occur.”
Sen. John Rockefeller (D-W.V.) authored the legislation, which passed with unanimous consent, according to The Hill. Rockefeller is chair of the Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee, but has announced he will not seek reelection this year.
The American Civil Liberties Union was curious about warrantless government snooping on citizens’ text messages. So the group filed a Freedom of Information Act request to the Justice Department. Here’s what they got back.
I think privacy is actually overvalued…Much of what passes for the name of privacy is really just trying to conceal the disreputable parts of your conduct. Privacy is mainly about trying to improve your social and business opportunities by concealing the sorts of bad activities that would cause other people not to want to deal with you. […] [The NSA should be given] carte blanche, [because p]rivacy interests should really have very little weight when you’re talking about national security.
Judge Richard Posner, of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, speaking at a conference in Washington, D.C. last week.
Posner went on to say that if someone took all the content of his “cell phone, they would find a picture of my cat, some phone numbers, some email addresses, some email text. What’s the big deal?” He added: “Other people must have really exciting stuff. Do they narrate their adulteries, or something like that?”
As Glenn Greenwald gamely points out, if Posner really feels no need for privacy, he should match his words with action: Publish all his emails, all his communications—everything. Daily. After all, it’s just cat pictures and boring text messages, right? What’s the big deal?
It goes without saying, of course, that Posner does not actually wish to live this way, however much he might wish to use his (scarily powerful) position to force the rest of us to do so. Greenwald explains:
Judge Posner’s is the voice of unadulterated wealth, power and privilege talking. The distinguished judge — like all those of similar position and class — has all sorts of ways that his personal privacy is safeguarded […] Servants of power are usually immune, or at least unmolested. So it’s always very easy for the Richard Posners of the world to dismiss concerns over privacy violations because they are typically not the ones targeted.
To see how power-based rather than principled Posner’s views are, consider what he said and did in a 2011 case — brought by the ACLU — where he mocked the idea that citizens have a First Amendment right to film the police. During Oral Argument, he immediately interrupted the ACLU lawyer arguing that citizens have this right, and the following exchange occurred:
JUDGE POSNER: Once all this stuff can be recorded, there’s going to be a lot more of this snooping around by reporters and bloggers.
ACLU attorney Richard O’Brien: Is that a bad thing, your honor?
JUDGE POSNER: Yes, it is a bad thing. There is such a thing as privacy.
Like so many federal judges, Judge Posner recognizes rights only when they belong to agents of the state or the economic elite. When it’s ordinary citizens at issue, he snidely rejects any such protections. Of course, this is exactly backwards: those exercising public power (police officers) have a lower entitlement to privacy than private individuals.
If you happen to feel, as Greenwald does, that Posner should back up his dismissal of privacy concerns by sharing his own communications with the world, you can encourage the judge in this project by contacting him here or here. After all, that phone of his is chock full of innocent cat pictures, and the internet could always use a few more cats.
(via hipsterlibertarian)
The NSA has spied on hundreds of companies and organizations to find security flaws in cellphone technology that it can secretly exploit for surveillance.
The case at hand involves the office of the District Attorney for the Eight District of New Mexico, which covers three counties in Northern New Mexico, including Taos. D.A. Donald Gallegos and one of his subordinates are facing disciplinary charges after they were caught issuing at least 91 bogus subpoenas to eight telephone companies for customer call records.
The subpoenas came to light during the prosecution of a 2013 armed robbery at an electric cooperative. Suspecting it was an inside job, the Taos police department worked with the prosecutor’s office to begin issuing subpoenas to telecoms for records related to dozens of phone records. Several batches of subpoenas were discovered related to other cases.
The problem is the District Attorney had no authority to issue “stand-alone subpoenas” under court rules, state law, or the New Mexico Constitution [PDF, PDF]. Prosecutors are only allowed to subpoena records when they represent a party in a case, (i.e. a grand jury has been convened or a criminal case has been filed) and they cannot use subpoenas during the police investigative process. Instead the prosecutor attached a generic case number—the kind usually reserved for miscellaneous court matters, such as bond forfeitures and oaths of office—not cellphone records requests.
The subpoenas weren’t signed by a judge or authorized by a grand jury. They weren’t even the right form [PDF] for issuing requests for records. As such, the subpoenas did not include the “essential” language alerting the recipient of remedies and protective measures. Rather, the documents threatened contempt of court sanctions for any telephone provider that failed to hand over the records.
Judge John Paternoster threw out the indictment of one of the robbery suspects in April due to “gross prosecutorial misconduct,” issuing the following damning conclusions [PDF]:
A stand-alone subpoena, in improper form, issued and signed by a prosecutor in aid of police investigation, before a criminal cause is properly commenced, as in the instant facts is simply without precedent, analogy or lawful authority in New Mexico law.
And
The subpoenas in question were issued by the prosecutor without any judicial oversight, and allowed the police to obtain evidence during a criminal investigation without meeting the requirements of Article II 10 of the Constitution of New Mexico.
And
It is objectively unreasonable for the prosecutor to believe that his conduct was lawful.
And
The prosecutor had no reasonable basis in law for issuing the subpoenas and had no reasonable basis in law to present the evidence to the grand jury, and therefore acted in objective bad faith, and tainted the grand jury with evidence.
Judicial smackdowns don’t come much harder than that. The district attorney is appealing, but at the same time the oversight body authorized by the New Mexico Supreme Court to review allegations of attorney misconduct has completed its own investigation. The Disciplinary Board is now pursuing formal professional misconduct charges against the lawyers [PDF, PDF].
In 1966, then-Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas warned about an "alarming trend whereby the privacy and dignity of our citizens is being whittled away." Each step is imperceptible, he wrote, "but when viewed as a whole, there begins to emerge a… society in which government may intrude into the secret regions of man's life at will."
What would Douglas think about the post-9/11 world, where the National Security Agency conducts warrantless Internet searches and government agents track cellphone conversations from high-tech airplanes? The latter program, revealed last week by a Wall Street Journal report, has sparked little outcry.
Perhaps people feel powerless to confront federal programs. But a new effort hopes to empower them to confront local authorities who embrace similar technologies by prompting cities and counties to pass an ordinance requiring a public debate and oversight of any such new technologies.
Like most California communities, San Diego area officials employ many devices—license-plate readers, facial-recognition software, video-surveillance systems, etc. These technologies can have advantages—body cameras help monitor police interactions with the public, and can reduce misbehavior by the public and officers—but there's no question they impose a cost.
In a democratic society, shouldn't the public have a chance to debate these policies publicly before officials enact them?
Unfortunately, that's not always happening. "Local law enforcement has been taking advantage of millions of federal surveillance dollars streaming into California to sidestep the normal oversight process of city councils and boards of supervisors and keep the public in the dark about important community decisions," said Nicole Ozer, a director of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of California, in a statement.
The civil-liberties group has drafted a model ordinance for localities to consider. If the public doesn't even know that a local agency is, say, using drones or video cameras, then how can anyone make sure the collected data is not being misused? And the lack of a discussion up front can lead to an angry backlash later.
The ACLU points to Oakland, which sought to expand its "Domain Awareness Center" at its port into a citywide surveillance system. The central command would monitor the city's many cameras and stream data from federal law-enforcement computers. The stated goal was something right out of a dystopian movie, where the Department of Pre-Crime was watching everything. Eager for the federal dollars and worried about the city's crime problem, city officials pushed for the system without widespread public engagement. The resulting backlash killed the project. ACLU's "model ordinance" might force policymakers to answer some crucial questions before it leads to privacy and other concerns.
For instance, these projects are driven by "free" federal money, which makes it easy for localities to downplay any ongoing costs. The proposed ordinance would require cities that pass it to complete a Surveillance Impact Report that details "the fiscal costs for the surveillance technology, including initial purchase, personnel and other ongoing costs, and any current or potential sources of funding."
It's easy to see the value in that approach, in all areas of government, even when such an ordinance wouldn't directly apply. For instance, when the San Diego Unified School District agreed to take a $730,000 Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicle from the feds, it sparked an angry debate about the militarization of police forces that led to the tank-like vehicle's return. (As an aside, the district claimed it would cost only $500 a year to maintain. What happens if the transmission goes kaput?)
Such questions should be answered methodically before the fact. Such an ordinance would create legally enforceable guidelines and protections for the use and sharing of collected data. That's basic, especially given the California Highway Patrol's recent scandal involving allegations that officers shared racy photos of female suspects.
The best way to push back against the imperceptible expansion of monitoring is to make the process more perceptible. If such technologies have valuable uses, their advocates should have no problem convincing the public to support them.
So the pro-NSA Republican senators were actually arguing that if the NSA were no longer allowed to bulk-collect the communication records of Americans inside the U.S., then ISIS would kill you and your kids. But because they were speaking in an empty chamber and only to their warped and insulated D.C. circles and sycophantic aides, there was nobody there to cackle contemptuously or tell them how self-evidently moronic it all was. So they kept their Serious Faces on like they were doing The Nation’s Serious Business, even though what was coming out of their mouths sounded like the demented ramblings of a paranoid End is Nigh cult.
Glenn Greenwald on the USA Freedom Act. Take a look at his whole article for an excellent explanation of why it’s a bad idea to pin our hopes for real NSA reform on Congress—and what we should do instead.
(My own take on the failure of the bill is here.)
A court filing unsealed late Wednesday shows that the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) made a highly misleading argument to an appeals court in October during a hearing on the constitutionality of National Security Letters (NSLs).
On October 8, the Electronic Frontier Foundation argued before the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit that provisions in the USA PATRIOT Act that prohibit service providers from discussing NSLs they may have received violates the First Amendment. During the hearing, the judges’ questioning addressed concerns that the government is using its NSL authority to stifle recipients’ constitutionally protected right to comment on the government’s actions. But DOJ Attorney Douglas Letter countered that these companies are free to discuss the “quality” of NSLs letter they received from the FBI—a claim that contradicted the government’s prior position and turned out not to be true.
Following the hearing, EFF’s clients requested that the DOJ reconcile the statement Letter made to the court with the department’s longstanding contention that companies could not discuss having received NSLs at all. In response, the DOJ filed a letter with the court admitting that Letter’s statements were incorrect, reaffirming its position that the broad gag includes any statement about the NSLs they have received. The DOJ also apologized to the court.
EFF Legal Director Cindy Cohn issued the following statement in response to the retraction:
EFF’s clients have consistently challenged the indiscriminate use of gag orders in combination with National Security Letters. In particular, they have challenged the government’s contention that NSL recipients can’t even use their experiences receiving overbroad NSLs to push for reform in Congress or in the broader public debate. This is especially the case now that the USA FREEDOM Act, which has some limited NSL reform, is going to be discussed in the Senate.
At the oral argument, the judges were very concerned that the government is using its NSL authority to stifle recipients’ constitutionally protected right to comment on the government’s actions. We were surprised to hear, in response to those concerns, the government retreat from its position that the NSLs gags prevent recipients from talking about “very fact of having received” an NSL.
When we wrote to the government asking if this new position meant that our clients could indeed talk about the quality of the NSLs they have received, the government retracted its statements to the court and apologized. But it’s troubling that we had to raise the issue before the government addressed it and that it seems the government was willing to let the court believe that the gag was narrower than it actually is in order to win the case.
EFF represents two companies challenging NSLs—a telecom company and an Internet company. The names of these companies remain under seal, as the government continues to insist that even identifying them might endanger national security. In March 2013 a federal district court judge in San Francisco agreed with EFF and ruled the NSL provisions unconstitutional, barring future NSLs and accompanying gag orders. That ruling was stayed pending appeal, however, and the district court has subsequently enforced separate NSLs—including NSLs issued to both EFF clients—and indicates that it will continue to do so until the Ninth Circuit rules on EFF’s challenges.
Report: US spy program targets Americans’ cellphones
The Wall Street Journal reports that a U.S. Marshals Service program operates aircraft equipped with fake cellphone towers to scoop data from phone, according to people familiar with the program.
The technology is aimed at hunting for criminal suspects, but it also collects data from thousands of other phones, sources say.
Image: Brian McGill / The Wall Street Journal