The popularity of U.S. born Hip-Hop music has spread beyond its original borders. This status has prompted scholars to investigate such “outside” adaptations of the genre in the United Kingdom, Zimbabwe, Nigeria as well as many other ways. However Hiplife is a Ghanaian music genre that fuses Ghanaian culture and hip hop along with many other music genres from western culture as well as. Recorded predominantly in the Ghanaian “Akan” language, hiplife is rapidly gaining popularity throughout West Africa and abroad. especially in the United Kingdom, United States, Canada and Germany. Mainly seen as club music or party music, it does have elements of nationalism. Similar to the many musical genres that has influenced Hiplife, this type of music has strong ties to the culture the music was born in. The start of the whole hiplife movement was the release of Reggie Rockstone’s album “Makaa Makaa” in 1997. A visiting producer from New York, Rab “The International” Bakari, produced the beats for the album at Groove Records near Accra, the capitol. The beats are in the same vein of hip-hop from New York that was being played in the early 1990’s. Many musical genres have influenced the Hiplife sound. For example the American born Hip-Hop and Jazz as well as the Caribbean born Reggae music.
Now Hiplife is the is the combination of highlife music and the popular hip-hop music in Western culture. Up until the 1990’s the Highlife music the popular choice of music in Ghana, Highlife takes parts of Jazz and rock along with other types of musical art forms, it is also characterized by jazz influenced horns and multiple guitars which lead the band. Recently it has acquired an uptempo melodic beat Highlife is a music genre that originated in Ghana at the turn of the 20th century and incorporated melodic and the main rhythmic structures in traditional “Akan” music, with a heavy use of Western instruments.
Hiplife was born in Ghana West Africa, many Ghanaians have embraced Hiplife as there own music form and because of heavy influence of Ghanaian culture Hiplife has become one of the country's most popular music genres Hiplife music has become more than a music art form, but has also become a platform for speaking out on social and political issues. Reggie Rockstone is widely known as the originator of the art of Hiplife while others too hold divergent views on the origination of Hiplife. Rockstone had an ingenious idea, to use the hip hop beats with an authentic Highlife sound and lace it with true African dialect; The Akan language of Twi. It became the key for him to make such classics as from his debut album in 1997. Hiplife's history dates back to the early 1990s Jeff Tennyson Quaye, better known around the world as Jay Q, along with Reggie Rockstone is one of the pioneers of hiplife in the mid-1990s and considered the backbone of Ghana music as a whole; in recognition of his own variation. Hip Hop’s evolution throughout Africa has been amazing. Ghanaians taking a music style developed in western culture and being able to fuse it with other various types of musical genres to form their own musical genre that other countries are now interested in says a lot about how rich the musical culture is on the continent of Africa.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_cqxWVaY8d0
Here is one of Reggie Rockstone’s hits “Agoo” which translates to have fun in english. This song heavily resembles many hip hop songs from the 1990’s, but the unique twist is that Rockstone raps the whole song in his native Akan language. The jazz influence can be heard with the trumpets and horns, especially within the first fifteen seconds of the song. Although most would hear the traditional hip hop beat, a cool reggae melody can be heard throughout the song. This song truly embodies the combination of the various music genres in to this one unique sound coming out Ghana, West Africa.
Hiplife covers a wide range of musical styles fused together. As you can tell by the name Hiplife that Hip-Hop has had a large influence on this genre’s sound. Hip-Hop was born in America, during the mid 1980’s in the urban African-American culture. Hip hop is simultaneously a new and old phenomenon, the importance of sampling to the art form means that a lot of the culture has centered around the idea of changing classic music, attitudes, and experiences into modern culture. It has become one of the most practiced genres of music in existence worldwide, and also takes additional inspiration regularly from soul music, R&B, and funk. The melodies from the piano keys of classical music to the funky bass guitar of blues and funk are incorporated into a unique musical genre that has captivated the globe. Reggae is a music genre that originated in Jamaica in the late 1960s. The genre also incorporates modern popular music of Jamaica and its diaspora. Reggae has had an incredible influence on Hiplife, not only culturally but it can be heard in the music. It was influenced by R&B coming from America along with great influence from the Rastafarian movement of the 1960’s. The Rastafari movement was a significant influence on reggae, with Rasta drummers, One of the predecessors of reggae drumming is a style of ritual drumming performed as a communal meditative practice in the Rastafarian life. Precautions and guitars are key to melody and beats, the “double skank" guitar strokes that became so prominent in reggae music can still be heard in today’s Hiplife’s artists. Jazz music originated from African-American communities of New Orleans in the United States during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, , improvisation is consistently regarded as being one of its key elements. The importance of improvisation in jazz is attributed to influential earlier forms of music: the early blues, a form of folk music which arose in part from the slavery songs and field hollers of the African-American slaves on plantations. Instruments vital to Jazz that have made their way into Hiplife culture are drums, electric guitar, trumpet and Sax just to name a few. Here is a great example:
The most powerful aspect of hiplife is the way it makes the young Ghanaians act. There are two main ways hiplife move people to action: political and commercial. Most political hip-life songs are promoting some part of the hip-life revolution. It can range from speaking out against corrupt politicians to promoting gangster life (violence, drugs, etc.). Hiplife can also be used by politicians themselves to promote their party or an upcoming election, trying to gain popularity with the youth that make up a large percentage of the electorate. Political messages both for and against the establishment are made so much more credible and popular through hip-life. Like rap music in the U.S., hiplife music has been a contemporary response to conditions of joblessness and poverty. The heart of hip-hop is out of the ghetto, where the system of oppression hits the hardest. Hip-hop is about rising out of the gloomy depths of the gutters and becoming a successful person, though many of the routes offered by rappers to success often end in tragedy. Hip-life allows for people who have no voice in society to identify with others who have gone through the same suffering. It allows the people to express the hardships in their own life. Hip-life artists who have been forced to go underground with their message are often overtly political, attacking the established parties and politicians. Essentially Hiplife is the voice of Ghana’s youth that otherwise wouldn’t be heard.
Sofia Jannok performing yoik (Photo from www.last.fm.com)
An Overview
A woman stands alone on a stage cradling a large drum in one arm and a mallet in the other. She is wearing a brightly colored dress, with a collar with long fringes that fall on her chest. She begins to sing long, drawn-out notes in a high, somewhat nasally voice. At this point she begins to lightly hit the drum, which produces a low, unobtrusive sound. It is clear that the focus of this performance is on her voice alone. She sings only notes at first, but begins to use words as her voice grows harsher, and is noticeably more nasal. She does not seem to be singing defined verses and choruses. She stops, and the song appears to end abruptly. It feels as though the song could have continued indefinitely, like a circle. The audience applauds.
The yoik (also spelled jojk, joik) is a musical practice of the Sami People, an indigenous people inhabiting far northern Norway, Sweden, Finland, and some regions of Russia. A yoik has religious, personal, and historical significance. Yoiks vary in terms of structure, composition, and subject matter depending on geographic region and time period. The traditional yoik, exhibits the characteristics observed above: circular in structure, mostly vocal, harsh, almost nasal vocal timbre, and subtle drum use. Common themes include religion, the human relation with nature, historical documentation, and appreciation for a particular individual.
Authorship
One important aspect of yoiks to consider is that of ownership, or authorship. Other musical genres often link certain songs with the performers or composers, however, this concept of authorship does not apply to yoiks. The purpose of a yoik is to capture the essence of a subject or event. Therefore, a yoik is not about a subject, it represents that subject in its entirety. Thus, the performers or composers of traditional yoiks are irrelevant as the yoik is an entity that belongs to itself.
Yoik Variations
Three types of yoiks have developed in the northern, southern, and eastern geographic regions of the Sami people. First is the Luohti is the form of yoik found in the northern geographic region. It utilizes a pentatonic scale, with notes that often leap up and down. It has a specific subject, usually a description of a person. It possesses a marked rhythm, syncopations, altering accentuations, altering vocal timbres, and ornamentation (vibratos). These different sounds are created with different breathing styles. Second, in the southern form of yoik, referred to as the Yuolle, is fairly similar to the northern in terms of subject matter but differs in terms of composition. The pitches used in a yoik consist of only two or three notes close together on a scale and the melody consists of several long sounds with some ornamentation. Finally, the Leu'dd is the form of yoik found in the eastern geographic region, and it incorporates elements of the both the Vuolle and the Luohti. This form is unique in that it often takes the form of a poetic personal narrative. It is a form of historical documentation, and often connects a wide range of unrelated subjects. Improvisation is encouraged and common in this form of the yoik. This is the rarest form of the yoik due to the fact that the Sami population is lowest in the eastern geographic regions.
The isolation of northern Europe provided little outside exposure to other cultures prior to Christianization in the 17th century. The Sami people were also spread over such a wide geographic area that many practices developed that were unique to each geographic region, such as the northern, eastern, and southern versions of the yoik. These aspects of the setting led to the development of many unique cultural elements, many of which reveal common themes of the Sami culture also represented in the yoik. Produced goods included a practice known as Duodji, a form of handicraft which involves the unification of beauty and practicality, a theme that is also reflected in the simplicity, aesthetic, and practical purpose of the yoik. The traditional religion of the Sami people is Shamanism, which included polytheism, animalism, and rituals. Yoiks entered this religious sphere as well, as shamans often performed them in religious ceremonies. Yoiks played an integral role in everyday Sami lifestyle, as well. To receive one’s yoik was a rite of passage. Yoiks aided in dealing with loss, as loved ones were commemorated and their life story documented. These were performed in front of groups to communicate history as it passed on the knowledge of a certain event or person.
Colonization
Beginning in the 17th century, the Sami people were severely impacted by the advent of Christian missionaries. This resulted in many decades of cultural repression and erasure. The yoik was forbidden on religious grounds, as the Christians believed the Shamanist practices of the Sami People, including the yoik, were connected with Satan. Some did still practice the yoik and retain their cultural practices, but they were forced to perform in secret and solo, as larger gatherings of Sami people were prohibited. Due to religious and cultural persecution, many of the Sami people were assimilated into Norwegian culture, resulting in the loss of many Sami traditions.
Lyrics
The lyrics are considered to be one of the most important aspects of the yoik, and it is during this time period of colonization that they begin to develop a new significance. The yoik served as a way to express political objections to colonization. One epic yoik is titled “When the Thieves Became Masters in the Land of Shamans”. It comments on how the “thieves” or colonizers have entered the land, taken control, and robbed it of natural resources. It then advocates for the expulsion of these thieves from the land. This yoik is indicative of the impact colonization had specifically on Shamans. Due to the fact that they were often both religious and political leaders, Shamans were heavily targeted and controlled during colonization. While this yoik demonstrates anti-colonial sentiment, some yoiks were in fact instruments of colonial resistance. The ambiguity in the language of yoik poetry allowed for the transmission of secret messages against the ruling class that would go undetected by the governing representatives of the colonizers, as they were unable to interpret the double meanings of some of the phrases. Yoiks were therefore not only ceremonial or historical, but heavily political as well.
Revival Movement: Nils-Aslak Valkeapää
A cultural revival movement began in the 1970s that sought to bring back the erased traditions of Sami Culture. While the traditional yoiks give insight into the culture of the Sami people prior to colonization, it is the more modern yoiks that demonstrate the struggle of rebuilding a culture that was almost completely eradicated. The yoik plays an important role in this reestablishment of the Sami cultural identity. Several musicians incorporated the yoik into other musical forms throughout the 19th and 20th centuries.
Nils-Aslak Valkeapää (Photo from likesuccess.com)
One of the most notable is Nils-Aslak Valkeapää, a Sami musician who used his music as a form of political activism to encourage the preservation of Sami culture. He experimented with combinations of yoiks with popular music, symphonies, music videos, Sami music festivals, choral projects, and school music education. For example, he fused western and traditional instruments to create a symphonic versions of several yoik melodies in the Yoik Symphony, in 1973. Valkeapää’s goal in this symphony was to dispel some of the negative perceptions the general public had about the Sami people by bringing the yoik to the same level of grandeur as the more respected western symphony. Not all of his experiments were well received, as some criticized the alterations to the traditional music. However, he is still nonetheless renowned for his work for the Sami people. A famous scholar of the Sami people, Harald Gaski, stated in 2001: "Nils-Aslak's accomplishments for his people were so great that he will come to be regarded by all posterity as a modern-day mythical being among the Sami" (Gatski 2001).
Valkeapää’s subject matter includes not only the Sami identity, but also raises awareness about the environment of the Sami people, which was endangered by government actions during the Cold War period. He reflects this sentiment in the 1994 Bird Symphony, which uses sound to highlight the natural elements while combing them with traditional yoiking. The first thirty minutes consists of purely natural sounds free from any human-produced musical qualities. This first half consists of wind, ocean waves, running water, and a variety of birds. The purpose of this piece is to provide the setting, as the collection of sounds allow the audience to picture where the sounds are coming from. At thirty-two minutes into the piece, a solo yoiker is introduced, and combined with the existing natural sounds. Another yoiker is soon introduced, creating a homophonic texture as the two voices harmonize. More voices soon enter in the background, adding to this texture with different harmonies to create a chorus of yoikers. The sound of the yoik is equal in volume with the natural sounds, creating an equal blend between the two as if to emphasize that they are of equal importance. There is a meter present in the yoik, however no drums of any sort are heard.
The Yoik in Modern Popular Culture: Jon Henrik Fjällgren
The yoik has also appeared more recently in Swedish popular culture. Jon Henrik Fjällgren is a Sami musician that was born in Columbia but adopted and raised by Sami parents in Sweden. He faced discrimination throughout his childhood, as he was often teased for having darker skin than his peers. In 2014, he performed a yoik for his audition for “Sweden’s Got Talent” in honor of his friend who had passed away, entitled “Daniel’s yoik”. He later won the competition and produced an album. His rise to fame heightened this discrimination, as some have questioned the validity of his claim to Sami culture, as he is not the “correct” ethnicity associated with the Sami people. This is indicative of the argument over the true definition of the Sami identity that has now been infused with other cultures and races.
Jon Henrik Fjällgren’s yoik is similar to traditional yoiks thematically, but not compositionally. The subject matter is similar to that of a traditional yoik, as he focuses on honoring a particular person. He states that Daniel, the subject of the song, came to him and gave him the melody himself. This adheres to the concept of yoik ownership, as he gives the credit of authorship and ownership to the subject of the yoik. During this performance, he wears traditional Sami clothing, and the show emphasizes his history of growing up with Sami culture. This show also demonstrates the connection of the Sami people to nature by integrating pictures and clips of nature throughout his introduction before he performed. However, this yoik is more western in its structure, as it more linear, with a gradual build to a climax followed by a gradual decline, rather than the circular structure of the traditional yoik. He uses only a piano and his voice, with no traditional Sami drums. The timbre of his voice is neither harsh nor nasally, again deviating from the traditional traits of yoiks. When analyzing the reception, it is important to note that this is a television show, and thus the reactions of the live audience are prerecorded and specifically chosen to demonstrate what the home viewer’s reaction should be: overwhelmingly positive. This bias is interesting, as it reveals that the producers are choosing to portray the yoik and the associated Sami culture in a very positive light.
Reflections
The yoik has played an integral role in the history and culture of the Sami people for centuries. The yoik was present in the everyday sphere of life prior to colonization before being used politically both during colonization and during the later stages of cultural rebuilding. This is an example of how long musical traditions can last when they are so heavily integrated into multiple spheres of life. Its ability to last through the period of colonization and cultural oppression speaks to the durability of the genre, as it was not only able to survive, but historically document its oppressors as well. This spirit of resilience and independence of the yoik is emulated by its performers to this day. When asked what feeling performing the yoik on stage gave him, Jon Henrik replied “Freedom. The yoik is about freedom” (Jon Henrik 2015).
References Used
Burke, Kathryn. “The Sami Yoik.” Sami Culture. Accessed June 23, 2016.
Gaski, Harald. Med ord skal tyvene fordrives. Om sameness episk poetiske diktning. Karasjok: Davvi Girji OS, 1987 (1993).
Kent, Neil. The Sámi Peoples of the North: A Social and Cultural History. London: Hurst, 2014.
Ramnarine, Tina K. "Acoustemology, Indigeneity, and Joik in Valkeapää's Symphonic Activism: Views from Europe's Arctic Fringes for Environmental Ethnomusicology." Ethnomusicology 53, no. 2 (2009): 187-217.
Klezmer players? They are Shpilman…wait Letsim…uh… Batkhn? No, Klezmorim!
By Geneva Stevens
Throughout time, the meaning of klezmer has changed. At first it meant an instrument, later it meant the musician, now, it is the name of a musical genre that has travelled through time and across much of the world. Klezmer is a prominent genre, played in many social settings such as bars, inns, dance halls, parades, and weddings. Its sound can be heard distinctly over many people talking and possibly arguing. Because klezmer has followed Jews throughout history, it’s sound illustrates the relationship between Jews and the diaspora.
Traditionally, klezmer music is homophonic and varies in tempo, meaning it can be played both fast and slow. The music, when it is written down, is in the Western manuscript format. However, older pieces were taught and passed on orally by klezmorim, plural for the musician, to family or others through lessons. Klezmer’s time signatures, and general meter, include 4/4 and 2/4, and even 3/4 and 3/8. For example, the Russian piece dobranotsh or a gute nakht, meaning “good night” in Yiddish, is generally played in 4/4 at the end of a wedding, while the up-tempo Polish dance mazurka can be in both 3/4 and 3/8 (Strom, 55 and 56, Book of Klezmer). Some tunes, like the fantazi meaning “fantasy” in Yiddish, do not have a set form and can be played freely by the klezmorim themselves. However, the tempo is not entirely up to a single performer as there is usually some form of meter so the other performers do not get lost.This free playing style applies to all klezmer pieces, as each song is played with different variations of ornaments and melodies that display klezmer’s reliance on improvisation and tactical use of ornaments.
Klezmer focuses on ornamentation and improvisation because it is modeled after the human voice. Even the mistakes and unintentional sounds, such as clarinet squeaks, violin screeches, microtones, and breaths made while playing are not out of place but instead contribute to the music’s imitation of the human voice. The most common ornamentations in klezmer are used to imitate noises the voice can make, such as trills and glissandos.
Klezmer as a genre has its own ornaments that give klezmer its voice like sound called the core dreydlekh. Dreydlekh consist of many techniques including krekhtsn, glitshn, mordents, kneytshn, tshoks, and ponticello. Krekhtsn, Yiddish for “groan” or “moan,” refers to the “moaning, achy long notes” made usually by the violinist or clarinetist that give “klezmer music its distinctive sound” (Strom, 100, Shpil: The Art of Playing Klezmer). Glitshn, like krekhtsn, is common in klezmer music. Glitshn, meaning “slippery” in Yiddish, glitshn is the sound the violinist makes by sliding their finger from a lower note to a higher note so that the two notes are not distinct. Mordents are used to make certain notes and phrases stand out by playing a few grace notes quickly before the principal note. Kneytshn are as achy as krekhtsn, but shorter. In Yiddish kneytshn means “fold” or “wrinkle” and can be played slow. Much like the voice, tshoks, which is Yiddish for “splendor,” resembles a “giggle” or “cackle.” Ponticello is the name for the playing of the bow right over the bridge to create a thin, squeaky sound.
With this piece below, A Glezele Vayn by The Klezmorim, is homophonic with a melody by a majority of instruments and harmony. This band in particular is the band who Ari Davidow, a Hebrew typologist and klezmer musicologist, claims to have started “the Klez revival” (Davidow). The tune itself includes tshoks, mordents, and improvisations made by the clarinetist, krekhtsn and mordents from the saxophone and horn, ponticello and glitshn made quietly by the violin, and a classic klezmer ending composed of three descending chords.
The Klezmorim: A Glezele Vayn
Since the genre has used, lost, and gained instruments throughout time, klezmorim have used a variety of instruments. The judenharfe, or the Jew’s harp, was very popular in the Middle Ages, however became known as a “lowly, unpleasant sounding instrument” by the eighteenth century and caused those who played it to be called kharpe-shpilers which is Yiddish for “shameful players” and was a pun on harfe (Strom, 2, Shpil: The Art of Playing Klezmer). The positive is a fixed organ that had a portable counterpart called the portative which resembled an accordion. The judenleier was a Jewish hurdy-gurdy, a barrel organ which produced a droning sound. This instrument was “associated with blind beggars” by the sixteenth century and was considered “an option for poorer Jewish musicians” (Strom, 2). The zink is a kind of cornet, popular from 1500 to 1650, made from “a goat’s horn,” which mixes “qualities of the trumpet with the sweetness and agility of the oboe” (Strom, 2 and 3). The hakbreydle, Yiddish from the German hackbrett meaning “cutting board, is much like the hammer dulcimer, the tsimbl. Both instruments, the hakbreydle and tsimbl, were popular in the eighteenth century among klezmorim in Central and Eastern Europe (Strom, 3).
Over time, as Jews travelled, the klezmorim began to adopt different instruments from their traditional ones, developing the klezmer instrumentation used today. In Germany, shpilman, known as klezmer today, were shown the dudelzak, a German bagpipe. During their service to the Czar Nicolas I in Russia, they were introduced to the clarinet and other brass instruments. Although klezmorim adopted these instruments in addition to their own folk instruments, a few of the instruments did not stay in klezmer up to recent bands. While the clarinet and brass instruments are still played today, modern American klezmer does not involve the dudelzak. Klezmer musicians also swapped the zink for the violin as a result of their interest in the unfamiliar instrument. Today, modern klezmer bands may include the accordion, the violin, the clarinet, the bass, the drums, the saxophone, the voice, and multiple brass instrument. The album below of the Chicago Klezmer Ensemble includes the violin, accordion, piano, clarinet, bass, and tsmbl.
The Chicago Klezmer Ensemble
The origin and significance of klezmer goes back to when the Twelve Tribes wandered the desert. At this time, Jews believed that music had magical and healing powers like the Levites. Unlike the Levites, who played religiously for the Temple, some other Jews played secular music. The instruments they used included stringed instruments like the lyre-type kinor, wind instruments like the double-reed khalil and flute-like uggav, horn-like instruments such as the khatsotserah and shoyfer, percussion instruments like frame drums, cymbols, bells, timbrels, and the pipe organ-like magrephah. After the second Temple was destroyed in 70 C.E., Jews scattered throughout the world, the event that began the diaspora. At the same time, the rabbis, essentially the teacher or spiritual leader of congregations, banned all instrumental music, explaining it was to mourn for Zion. These rabbis also associated the secular music with the “decadence of Greek culture” which gave the community a negative impression of Jewish folk instrumentalists through the seventeenth century (Strom, 3, Book of Klezmer). Not only did the first Jewish musicians play non-religious tunes, but they were disapproved of by the rabbis.
By the Middle Ages, Jews had spread across Europe, settling in countries such as Germany, France, Holland, and Switzerland. While they were forced to live in poor and dark neighborhoods created for Jews, called ghettos, klezmorim gained many practices and names. For the most part, Jewish travelling musicians, or minstrels, were known as Shpilman. In Germany, some musicians decided to adopt a lighter form of entertainment and were referred to by German Jews as Letsim. Since the rabbis still disapproved of instrumental music and the synagogues and houses the music was usually played in were small, Jews decided to build dance halls to perform in. These dance halls became popular social buildings that held dances, drama, conversation, and music. They even had a guild of Jewish musicians that would perform for both Jewish and gentile (or non-Jewish) dance halls in Frankfurt am Maine in 1390. The dance halls were so popular, that the disapproving rabbis were “forced to relax their ineffective prohibitions” on women participating in dancing and socializing (Strom,2, Shpil: The Art of Playing Klezmer). When Jews went to the synagogue for relief from the painful life in the ghettos, they would demand that the khazn, or cantor, sing the prayers in gentile tunes they heard outside of the walls.
The demand for gentile tunes indirectly showed a stronger connection between music and the country around them than with their faith and induced quarrels and fights. This caused the rabbis in Western and Central Europe to ban not only the singing of Christian melodies but the playing of any kind of music, which hindered the acceptance of the traveling Jewish musician. Despite this, the rabbis reluctantly allowed music at weddings which lead to the another name for klezmorim, Batkhn. At these weddings, people drank and were merry, despite all circumstances. From these weddings and the influence of Rabbi Maharil of Mainz’s belief in the mitsve, Yiddish for “good deed,” of performing music for the newlywed couple, music became an essential part of Jewish celebrations. By the late seventeenth century, Jews started to adopt the term klezmer.
During the nineteenth century, Jewish Enlightenment Movement occurred and Jews became less religious. At this time, the music klezmorim performed became less popular and nearly disappeared. Czar Nicholas I forced Jews to serve in his army, where they were introduced to the clarinet and brass instruments. It was during the late nineteenth century that the bass, violin, and hammered dulcimer were introduced to klezmer. Up to this time period, klezmer and its klezmorim had accumulated and experienced many instruments and styles, but they still kept a part of their own traditional techniques.
However, beginning in the early twentieth century, the Holocaust led to not only the loss of many traditional pieces but also much of the spirit, people, and culture behind it. In the ghettos, the life of the klezmorim was tremendously difficult. They were very poor in comparison to some of the other Jews and were regularly found “begging in the streets with [their] instrument, if [they were] lucky enough to still have one” (Strom, 137. The Book of Klezmer). But their music, now limited to voice and an instrument, if they had one, was the “source of entertainment, therapy, and hope for all the Jews” (Strom, 137). Once they were in the concentration camps, if they survived the ghettos and the trip, the especially good klezmorim may play in the camp orchestra. This orchestra played for both fellow Jews and Nazis, but not nearly in the same manner. The performances for the Nazis were often filled with harassment and occurred after a day’s work of slave labor. On very rare occasions they would get extra food for the performance. Others who were good musicians would sometimes be allowed to live longer than other Jews (Strom, 137). Even though performances for the Nazis were humiliating, a klezmer’s performance for other Jews at this time were even worse. One klezmer, named Leopold Kozlowski, was forced to create a Death Tango which he played as he led other prisoners to be executed. Another such station was at the entrance to the gas chambers where a klezmer named Shloyme Klezmer saw his son being led in and joined him after he “smashed his violin” over an SS officer’s head (Strom, 140). For klezmorim in other camps, many were being murdered, and the orchestras grew smaller continuously.
After the Holocaust, many Jewish people, including klezmorim, came to America. Even though these people brought with them their Jewish identity, the culture and music of the Jewish people had been halted. Any sign or display of being Jewish was “not advantageous and led to harassment by authorities” (Strom, 141. The Book of Klezmer). Klezmer, at the time, was still being played, but privately. Young Jews had little interest in learning how to play. In America, the klezmorim and other Jews had once again adapted, and became fascinated by a structurally similar genre to klezmer: jazz. Currently, klezmer is played at Jewish weddings and Bar Mitzvahs, with an addition to Jazz Festivals and occasional appearances in media such as the musical The Fiddler on the Roof by Josef Stein.
Focusing on the klezmorim themselves, they were generally known to be poor because the profession was poorly paid. They were often ridiculed for their poverty, as they play for weddings but are, or at least assumed to be, too poor to get married themselves. Not only did their poverty make it difficult for klezmorim to be wed but also contributed to their constant struggle to provide for their family. Because they traveled so often, the klezmorim were rumored to have associated themselves with many unusual characters like thieves, drunkards, smugglers, and prostitutes when they stayed at inns. As a result of travelling, playing, haggling, and getting into fights with drunkards, the klezmorim created their own argot. This argot is called kezmer loshn, or labushnik, which the klezmorim would speak during concerts in both Jewish and gentile venues. With this language, the klezmorim could communicate using this argot about jobs, inns, guests, food, and pay (Strom, 96. The Book of Klezmer). While klezmorim indeed gained a bad reputation in the community, the music was and still is immensely important.
Klezmer is an essential part of Jewish culture and is still played today. Despite the bans the rabbis ordered in klezmer’s history, the music the klezmorim played in weddings proved to be an “emotional necessity” for the difficult and depressing life in the ghettos (Strom, 7. The Book of Klezmer). In the dance halls where klezmorim performed, Jews were able to connect with each other and relieve themselves of their cruel reality in the ghettos. Once Jews came to America, this social activity’s importance was revived because newly immigrated Jews could learn English from their peers at dance halls. Even now, klezmer is still a central part of Jewish weddings, but with a different kind of importance. It is in this way that the presence of klezmer strengthened the community and supported Jews throughout time in spite of the effects of the diaspora.
Within its history, Klezmer has encountered many instruments, styles, melodies, and names. Remarkably, it has even survived the Holocaust, while acting as emotional support and a sign of hope to the Jewish people. Though the rabbis did not approve of klezmer and forced a negative image onto its musicians, the klezmorim played on and travelled bringing entertainment and relief with them. It is by these travels and the Jewish people, especially the klezmorim, who brought their sound with them that make klezmer music as a genre the ideal case study to illustrate the relationship between music and the diaspora.
Bibliography
Davidow, Ari. "Ari Davidow, Hebrew Typographer." Ari Davidow, Hebrew Typographer. Accessed July 29, 2016. http://www.ivritype.com/.
Davidow, Ari. "Klezreport, circa 1986." Klezmershack.com. December 12, 2014. Retrieved from http://www.klezmershack.com/articles/klezreport.86.html. Accessed June 24, 2016.
Slobin, Mark, edit. American Klezmer: its roots and offshoots. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: Universiy of California Press, 2002. Accessed 29 June 2016.
Slobin, Mark. "Klezmer Music: An American Ethnic Genre." Yearbook for Traditional Music 16 (1984): 34-41. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/ . Accessed 29 June 2016
Strom, Yale, edit. Shpil: the art of playing klezmer. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2012. Accessed 29 June 2016
Strom, Yale. The Book of Klezmer: the history, the music, the folklore. Chicago, IL: A Cappella Books, 2002. Accessed 29 June 2016.
"What Is "Klezmer Music"" Maxwell Street Klezmer Band. Accessed July 29, 2016. http://klezmerband.com/aboutus/whatisklezmermusic.html.
Unless you have visited or lived in the Scottish highlands, chances are your only exposure to them is Braveheart. According to Mel Gibson’s classic movie and other Hollywood stereotypes, everyone in Scotland is burly, rough-natured, and prone to violence. With this view of the Highlands, you certainly wouldn’t expect it to be home to any sort of “sophisticated” music. However, in around the 1650’s Scotland’s sole form of classical music, Piobaireachd (or Pibroch in Modern English), had emerged. The word Piobaireachd itself translates to piping, but despite this translation, Piobaireachd also refers to music played by the harp and the fiddle, so the Gaelic words Ceol Mor, which mean “Big Music” can be used interchangeably to refer to classical Scottish bagpipe music. More specifically, Ceol Mor separates Piobaireachd, from other kinds of bagpipe music such as jigs and polkas called Ceol Beag, or “Little Music”. The music of Piobaireachd is emotional and iconic, and one cannot help but think of Scotland when the bagpipes are heard.
Since it originated in the Highlands, Piobaireachd was influenced by many parts of Scottish culture and society. For example, many highlanders relied on sheep herding as a livelihood, and in turn the Great Highland bagpipe is traditionally made from the skin of sheep and adorned with carved pieces of bone. In the early stages, great highland bagpipers took on a role similar to that of town criers. During the mornings and evenings, a piper would walk through town playing music to signal the start and end of the work day. Because sheep need a lot of land to graze, herders would be far away from town, and the loud sounds of the bagpipe were a perfect way to signal to the herders it was time to come back. Eventually skilled pipers played for clan chiefs and, while still servants to the chief, were well-paid and well-respected (Knox). The pipers that served clan chiefs played not only for entertainment, but also followed their chiefs into war providing marching and war music. While normally not from the noble class, some pipers were gifted lands by their chiefs due to their skill. There were also some major exceptions to this, such as King James I of Scotland, who was known to play the Great Highland Bagpipe (Knox).
The music of Piobaireachd itself was passed down from family elders to the younger generation through a vocal practice called Canntaireachd. Canntaireachd is a form of chanting that taught the listener what notes to play and how to embellish them. Rather than explaining to the student how to play the instrument like people learn how to play guitar today, teachers use vocables that actually represent the notes and embellishments themselves. In a sense, Canntaireachd was an audible form of modern staff notation but, while modern staff notation is sometimes used, Canntaireachd remains the most accurate way to express the intricate details of the music.
Modern Staff Notation
This video contains a new form of Canntaireachd that blends the traditional vocables with hand gestures to aid in the learning process.
Along with the music, service to a clan was also passed down through the family. This allowed “lowborn” families to establish themselves in Scottish society. One of the most famous piping families, the MacCrimmons, piped for the chiefs of the MacLeod clan in Dunvegan for over two hundred years (Knox). Since written history of Piobaireachd is either nonexistent or hard to find, the MacCrimmons have become mythic figures in the music history, and some even credit them with the creation of Piobaireachd itself. As Scottish clans were spread throughout the country, many piping families developed their own styles and trends of embellishment (Gibson). While the vast majority of bagpipers were men, there were no laws or rules stating that a woman could not play the bagpipes as well. In fact, women were often involved in the bagpiping community. For example, women were known to teach at the MacCrimmon school for bagpiping. Today women still teach people how to play the bagpipes, and play them as a hobby.
As Piobaireachd gained popularity, the music as well as the pipers were held to a higher standard. Pipers were expected to adhere to a dress code when playing for either a chief or the army. Traditional 18th century piper dress includes the iconic kilt, and varying sashes and dirks. The traditions are still held today, both in Highland Scotland and Nova Scotia, due to the large amount of Scottish immigrants there (Gibson). Today, Piobaireachd can be enjoyed by people of all ages at competitions. These competitions are usually not an event on their own, but are a part of a large festival. Due to the loud nature of the bagpipes, these competitions are played either outside, or large halls. Here is an example of both traditional Piobaireachd dress and the typical setting for a competition.
A unique instrument, the bagpipes also have a very unique sound. The pipes themselves are actually a collection of flutes that are all played at the same time while the bag provides the source of air which makes the bagpipes an aerophone. The flutes are separated into two types, the Chanter and the drone flutes. The Chanter is the flute that plays the main melody, while the drone flutes play low continuous notes. While the Great Highland bagpipe can only have one Chanter, it can have multiple drone pipes. Both types of flute are very loud and have a very nasal sound. While the bagpipes can be played as a group, they are most often playing alone. Piobaireachd melodies are therefore biphonic. The tempo of Piobaireachd is very slow, as the music is meant to be very emotional and reflective.
In the picture above, the pipe on the far left is the chanter. Notice the holes that the player uses to change the pitch of the notes. The “pointy” flute is actually the blowpipe that the player uses to fill the bag with air. The three larger pipes are the drone flutes. The largest pipe is the bass drone, while the smaller two are the tenor drones.
Like other genres of music, Piobaireachd is broken down into parts. The Urlar, which translates to “ground”, forms the most basic melody of a song. If the piper chose not to embellish the notes of a song, the song would simply be a string of long drawn-out notes. When transitioning from note to note, a piper plays either a siubhal, which translates to “passing” or a dithis, which translates to “pair”. A siubhal accents the lower note and gives it a somber sound, while the dithis accents the higher note, giving the transition a more joyful sound. Seumas MacNeill, one of the founders of the College of Piping in Glasgow, explained that the siubhal can be compared to death, hence the word passing and its somber sound. Conversely, the dithis represents the vitality and upbeat nature of life (Robertson). After these variations come another form of embellishment called a grip. A grip cuts a low note into equal parts very similar to a trill. A leamluath cuts the note into two parts, a taorluath three parts, and the crunluath four parts. It is possible to use a nameless grip that uses five notes, but it is very complicated and has since fallen out of use. The piper then signals the end of the song with a section called a mach. The mach can be easily identified as there is a noticeable increase in tempo. Many of these characteristics exist in the song “The Lament for Donald of Laggan”.
The nasal timbre of the pipes can be immediately heard, and the drone pipes play faintly in the background while the Chanter starts off with a leamluath at the 3 second mark. The song continues playing the urlar with varying embellishments, and many siubhals because the song is a lament and meant to be “extra” melancholy. At around the seven minute mark the mach is heard – the tempo speeds up, the notes of the urlar are shorter than they were before, and the number of embellishments become more dense.
Piobaireachd was not just music for entertainment, but was central to Highland Scottish Culture. Many of the songs can be split into four different categories. Cumha, which translates to lament, are songs that were written to commemorate tragic events such as a death or disaster. For example, many laments were written to commemorate the Jacobite rebellion of 1745 and the Battle of Culloden. This rebellion’s goal was to put the Catholic King James VII of Scotland on the throne of England, but was defeated of Culloden. These events were very emotional for the Scottish as it led to the destruction of the Scottish clan system, which was the basis of organization for the Scottish government. Over time, Gaelic culture would decline heavily. Some also attribute the defeat of the Jacobites at Culloden to the decline of Piobaireachd in Scotland because the English outlawed the playing of the Great Highland Bagpipe, but others would argue that the mass exodus of Scots from the Highland region was the main reason Piobaireachd would decline in popularity (Gibson). Failte, which translates to “welcome”, are songs that were written to celebrate the arrival of an important person or the birth of a child. For example if one chief were meeting with another clan chief, the pipers would play failte to honor the guests. Port Tionails are songs that are specific to each highland clan. These songs are used to formally call a clan, meeting, and are written so that the tune can be easily recognized over long distances.
Aside from important events, the bagpipes also played an important role in the British army and replaced the trumpet after the British started recruiting soldiers from the Highlands. The pipers played while marching to help the soldiers keep time, and also during battle. During battle, the bagpipes were used as a psychological weapon. The unique sound and the constant drone of the bagpipes would either instill fear and annoy the enemies who were unfamiliar with the instrument, but kept morale up for those that actually enjoyed the music.
According to Roderick Cannon’s “Classification of Gaelic Names of Piobaireachds” there are four ways to title the songs. Functional titles explicitly state the reason the song was written such as “_______’s Lament”. Technical titles hint at the type of embellishments used in the song, such as “The Little-finger Tune” or “The Finger-Lock”. Textual titles are very similar to functional titles, but are more specific in that they give the contextual basis of the song such as “My King has landed in Moidart”. The fourth type are very simple, and are essentially the same as the names we give to songs in the modern day, like “The King’s Taxes” and “The Big Spree”.
After the Scottish diaspora, the Great Highland Bagpipes found their way into the cultures of virtually every place the Scottish migrated too. In these areas, such as Canada and the United States, Piobaireachd is played for the exact same reason they were in the Scottish Highlands. Funerals for those in the armed forces, first responders, and important political figure heads are met with cumha. I personally experienced Piobaireachd when I attended my cousin’s graduation from the police academy, where I assume they played a failte piece. Failte was also played to welcome Presidents disembarking from Air Force One.
Piobaireachd and the Great Highland bagpipe come straight from the heart of the Scottish Highlands and its people. The music immortalizes the history and struggle of the Scottish, giving both the music and the people mythic qualities. While Piobaireachd fell largely out of favor in Scotland, it survived through the people who loved and dedicated their lives to it, and researched as much as they could about the genre. It also survived through the people of Nova Scotia, who still held on to the Gaelic traditions of the Scottish immigrants to the area in the 19th century. Today, Piobaireachd is gaining popularity again in Scotland, and has been assimilated into culture from the United States to Australia. However you don’t have to be Scottish, or even be well versed in the history of Scotland, to appreciate the significance and beauty of Piobaireachd,. I can say with firsthand experience that the power, beauty, and emotion of Piobaireachd is provided with the music itself.
Bibliography:
Cannon, Roderick D. “What Can we Learn about Piobaireachd?” British Journal of
Ethnomusicology 4 (1995): 1-15. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3060680.
Accessed 27 June 2016
Davidson, Lindsay. "Teach Yourself Bagpipes by Lindsay Davidson." Teach Yourself Bagpipes. Accessed July 8, 2016. http://www.teachyourselfbagpipes.co.uk/welcome.htm.
Gibson, John G. Old and New World Highland Bagpiping. McGill-Queen’s University
Press, 2002. https://books.google.com/books?id=7NqSdjkA9ycC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false. Accessed 26 June 2016
Gibson, John G. Traditional Gaelic Bagpiping, 1745-1945. McGill-Queen’s University
Press, 1998. https://books.google.com/books?id=m5fk5QPwXiwC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false. Accessed 26 June 2016
Knox, Steven W. "The Pre-Seventeenth Century Highland Bagpipe." SCA, Inc. Accessed July 8, 2016. http://www.sca.org/ti/articles/1996/bagpipe.html.
Robertson, Bill. "Piobaireachd Terminology - Some Dictionary Discoveries." Piobaireachd Terminology - Some Dictionary Discoveries. Accessed July 8, 2016. http://www.bagpipe-tutorials.com/piobaireachd-terminology.html.
Timoney, Frank J. “The Concise History of the Bagpipe | Piobaireachd.” Accessed June 27, 2016
http://www.bagpipehistory.info/piobaireachd.shtml.
Http://www.youtube.com/channel/UC9yE5LdUfftYzVYjWB1oT_A. "Seumas MacNeill: Lament for Donald of Laggan." YouTube. 2014. Accessed July 8, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fDASKejhRtg.
Cueca - The National Music and Dance Genre of Chile
Every September, Chile has a law that requires a Chilean flag be put on every building in honor of Chile’s independence. With patriotic festivals on the week September 18th falls on, Chile’s overpowering pride in their country unites a people that differs in traditions, dialects, and music/dance styles between the northern and southern tips. During the colonization of South America by the Spanish during the 16th-19th century, many influences were brought from the outside world to shape the emerging culture. Due to the Spanish presence over a large area in South America, Cueca is known throughout multiple countries near Chile (Bolivia, Argentina, and Peru). Each vary slightly in their performances, whether it’s the instruments used or the way the dance is performed, but all come from the same parent performing arts style, zamacueca. Surprisingly, Cueca had almost become an unfavorable genre due to its relation to a harsh dictatorship ruling period. The song style was deemed the national dance during dictator Pinochet’s rule, thus giving it a negative connotation to the genre, although it later turned into a form of protest. Cueca is an artform that has withstood its own personal battle against time and changing values in society, yet through it all it remains preserved today by being taught in schools all throughout the country.
Image courtesy of http://www.operationworld.org/chil
Cueca as a Means of Expression against Oppressive Regimes
Unfortunately, not much is known about cueca’s origins past it coming from zamacueca in Peru. Some believe that it began with indigenous styles and later became influenced by the global influences brought by Spanish colonization [8]. Others say it was an African dance that came with the Spanish when they brought slaves and was practiced in South America. It later became adopted by those under colonial rule to have a means of expression against the rule there [1]. The genre serves as a way to connect to past times and understand the hardships people were going through back then. Later on after Chilean independence, Cueca was used by farmers to express problems they would experience on the ranches, or as a way to connect to the history of the country that was under unfavorable colonial rule.
Once Chile had gained independence from the Spanish, the country celebrates it every year through large patriotic festivals called “Fiestas Patrias” [10]. During September, the nation takes a small break to celebrate the country’s establishment of their first governing body on September 18, 1810. Celebrations usually last a whole week, filled with cueca competitions, asados, rodeo, and fondas (“local temporary sales” like swap meets). Every year, people compete to gain the honor of being Chile’s best Cueca couple of the year. The champions from 2011 could be seen dancing together from the YouTube video, Campeones de cueca chile.
Here the performance and environment is held to a national level of professionalism, although later we’ll discuss the varying areas Cueca can be performed at under a different setting. Of course Chile always celebrates its independence from the Spanish rule, although more recently they also celebrate the freedom from a horrible dictatorship.
As another part that globalization has influenced the evolution of Cueca and further unified Chile, the dictatorship regime that Chile was subject to had transformed the genre to include more of a political statement in its music [4]. The CIA had played a role in empowering a military general, Augosto Pinochet, who had established complete authoritarian rule over the area for about 15 years. His first few years were marked with violations of civil liberties and human rights against the people of Chile. During his rule, over 30,000 people were victims of murder, disappearance, torture, or exile [5]. Pinochet had known much about his lack of popular support, so in an attempt to bring back morale to the country, he had established Cueca as the country’s national dance [1]. People reacted very negatively to the establishment of Cueca coming from a very disliked figure that it had almost erased it from their culture, but people continued to practice it as a requirement of Pinochet’s rule. As a form of retaliation, women who had lost their partners due to his rule would dance alone, forming what is known as “Cueca Sola” [5]. Women would dance to the music without the male partner to symbolize the absence of the men who had been killed or disappeared as a result of Pinochet’s ruling [5]. Some would even dance without music, just to add to the somber atmosphere that had been created by Pinochet’s crimes.
Around the same time as Pinochet’s empowerment, music became very politicized in their lyrics. Cueca had already been seen as a form of expression against grievances, so the music had evolved to include the hard times of a dictatorship ruling. The reforming of some Cueca lyrics made it part of the “Nueva Cancion” (“New Song”) movement [7]. Many artists of different genres began to sing about songs criticizing the government. Los Jaivas, Violetta Parra, and Victor Jara are all examples of those who politicized their music and received great acclaim from the general population [2]. Some of the music produced by Jara would become censored because of the harsh criticism and close connection to certain political officials. Additionally, after Pinochet had been placed into power, Jara was one of the many who were tortured and killed by Pinochet’s regime shortly after they wrested government control [2]. Cueca had evolved past the humble “blues” genre of Chile and became a statement of political outcry, which paired together with Cueca Sola. From Annie Murphy’s music article, a woman recounts the reasons why she dances Cueca Sola. Marta Perez’s story of how on her husband “disappeared” on May 5th, 1976 and how to this day she says “...we’re still waiting” on his return [9]. Today, Cueca Sola is still danced in honor of the many lives lost during Pinochet’s dictatorship period.
The Music and its Variations within South America
Cueca is Chile’s version of folk music, and is equivalent to what country music is in the USA. Usually played in the countryside or rural parts of Chile, the instruments played during performances and events often include accordion, guitar, guitarron, tambourine, and harp. It employs a compound meter of 6-8 or 3-4, while also being divided into sections that reflect the mood of the dance (known as the Cuarteta, Sequidilla, and Remate) [8]. While there is some singing in Spanish involved, Chiloé (Southern) Cueca employs more vocals as the main part of the music rather than the instruments. The north heavily emphasizes more instrumentation use over spoken words or vocables [3]. The audience of the performance usually claps or stamps their feet along to the beat to accompany or take over the percussion role in the music, always on beat with the song [1]. The audience or the band playing the cueca piece will use trilling, a sound made by the rolling of the r’s, that can usually be found in many Latin songs. Spurs from the men’s boots also jingle as the dance is being performed; both participants would continue to stomp their feet on the ground throughout the dance.
While the music plays, Cueca requires two people, one male and one female (or a lead and a follow), to perform a courtship dance with each other. The dance itself is supposed to resemble the way a rooster pursues a hen, making the men move in sporadic ways while the woman shyly and modestly dances with him [6]. Men are traditionally dressed in husao (Chilean cowboy) attire, adorning them with black pants, shirt, boots with spurs, a poncho, a cordoban hat, and a sash with the flag colors [1]. The women would wear their hair up, dance in heels, and wear dresses that come up to right above the knee and extend outwards past the hips, while fitting tightly on the top. Each of them take a white handkerchief that is twirled around in the air during the dance, and is considered to be an essential part of the performance. In the upcoming video, the stark contrast in formalities between this event and the previous video can be seen. Here, the performance is displayed in a street where canopies are set up and people gather around with food nearby to watch (or record) the performance.
Cueca dance from Chile shows many sounds and sights typical to a traditional Cueca performance that can be experienced as the couple displays the national dance. People will use napkins in place of handkerchieves rather than not use anything at all. Throughout the performance, the couple maintains eye contact but never physically touch until the finale, where the man kneels on the floor and the woman places her foot on his raised knee[6][9].
Image courtesy of https://naomiallan.wordpress.com/2009/11/09/cueca-brava/
On either national stages or closed off parking lots, Cueca can be performed just about anywhere. The music is available to all, enjoyed by the population at any given time of the year to honor the struggles placed on their people from past. In September, during the independence holiday season, national Cueca competitions are common for that time of year [6]. A band will perform near the stage with the couple that performs the dance, while the audience are all seated or stand to watch. The actions are the same, the audience will clap along to the beat and trill to cheer on the performers. On the opposite end, Cueca could be played during family gatherings, small festivals/parties, or other ceremonies that take place just about anywhere [1]. Usually asados (barbeques) are present during Cueca performances, filling the air with smells of carne asada (grilled beef), pollo asado (grilled chicken), pork, lamb, and roasted vegetables [4][6]. Throughout the more casual events, groups of people will dance together. The dance and people do not segregate anyone, all people are allowed and able to enjoy the events.
When listening to Cueca from Chile, there are small distinctions in the music and the way it is performed that denote which region it is from. As discussed earlier, there are 3 main forms of Cueca within Chile: Northern Cueca, Urban Cueca (or Cuecachora), and Chiloé Cueca from the south [3][6]. Northern Cueca actually holds some significance in people’s lives beyond just a musical form, with it being performed with religious ceremonies and carnival. The music style changes as well, where the singing is removed and other instruments such as the sicus, zamponas, trumpets, and tubas are employed. In the central region, Cueca takes on a more traditional form, but the lyrics for this area focus more on the urban life rather than the countryside [1]. This style is the representative for the genre, as it employs most of the traditional elements and dance styles. Chiloé Cueca is a bit more fast paced, while removing one of the sections of the music (“Cuarteta”) and extending another (“Sequidilla”) [6]. Extending outward from Chile, other countries such as Bolivia, Argentina, and Peru all have their own styles and variations [8].
Since zamacueca is originally from Peru, Cueca ends up extending in several countries within Latin America. Peru renamed their “la Cueca Chilena” to “La Marinera” (“The Marine”) due to the Pacific War and hostile relations with Chile. They use completely different instruments (bugles, drums, cajons) and dance to it differently as well, but still employ traditional elements like the white handkerchiefs and cowboy/sailor attire. We can see similar elements from both “La Marinera” and Cueca employed in their performances from the Cueca Chilena vs Marinera Peruana video (Cueca at the beginning of the video, Marinera at 4:00).
While the Marinera is different in the way the woman dances and in the choice of instruments, a lot of the motions and imagery are similar. Bolivian Cueca also varies with region, employing variations to the dance’s velocity, elegancy, and costumes depending on what part of Bolivia is being observed. Some variations are very tamed and slow (La Paz, Potosi, and Sucre styles) while others are faster and more sporadic (Cochabamba and Tarija). Argentina’s styles vary depending on the province the dance is being performed in. In essence, Cueca is a form that evolves more and more as the genre spreads throughout South America [1].
Surviving in Modern Times
Nowadays, Cueca has become such a large part of Chilean culture that just about anyone knows how to dance it. A recent anecdote from Huberts’s experience in Chile serves as a way to understand how alive the genre is in their culture. As someone studying abroad from the USA, she witnesses firsthand the differences in national identity from the US and Chile [4]. In a way to teach students appreciation for their culture, Cueca is taught in all high schools, where most people learn about the genre and how to perform it at a young age. While not exclusively a performance practiced in the rural areas of Chile, most of the time people out in the countryside enjoy the genre. It’s mainly during September that Cueca sets a national stage for itself. No one is exempt from enjoying the genre, people of all ages know how to dance to it, and it continuously gets passed down to the next generation to ensure its survival. Even though Cueca has its differences regionally, it serves as the basic backbone for unifying the country.
To summarize, Cueca is a genre of expression against grievances felt by the Chilean people. Through the Spanish influence on the region, Cueca had been able to find a foothold in many countries within South America. It is easily identifiable with its performance involving a white handkerchief and husao attire, while performing a courtship dance that resembles the way roosters pursue hens. Over the years, the genre had faced troubling times that ended up with a negative connotation from Chileans, although it transformed to incorporate political grievances and criticisms that would end up making it into what it is today. The genre isn’t meant to discriminate against anyone either, it incorporates people of all backgrounds to enjoy the performances put on either at special celebrations between family and friends, or during large independence week festivals.
Works Cited
[1] Castillo-Feliú, Guillermo I. Culture and Customs of Chile. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000.
[2] "Chilean Music." Chile Music. January 9, 2015. Accessed June 24, 2016. http://www.southamerica.cl/Chile/Music.htm.
[3] De Vivo, Marcelo. "The Music of Chile." The Music of Chile. July 21, 2013. Accessed June 24, 2016. http://www.chileno.co.uk/music/the-music-of-chile#.V22gxvkrLIU.
[4] Huberts, Alyssa. "La Cueca: How Chile Dances Its Way into National Identity." La Cueca: How Chile Dances Its Way into National Identity. October 11, 2012. Accessed June 24, 2016. https://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/posts/la-cueca-how-chile-dances-its-way-into-national-identity
[5] Jackson, Naomi M., and Toni Samantha Phim. Dance, Human Rights, and Social Justice: Dignity in Motion. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2008. https://books.google.com/books?id=8dy-AAAAQBAJ&pg=PA303&dq=chilean cueca&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiImdj3ksLNAhUP3GMKHaeZAtgQ6AEINjAF#v=onepage&q=chilean cueca&f=false.
[6] "La Cueca." Latin Dance. November 30, 2010. Accessed June 24, 2016. https://latindancehistory.wordpress.com/2010/11/30/la-cueca/.
[7] Vila, Pablo. The Militant Song Movement in Latin America: Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina.
[8] Cueca in Chile – Cueca Dance | don Quijote. (n.d.). Retrieved July 14, 2016, from http://www.donquijote.org/culture/chile/music/cueca
[9] Murphy, A. (2009, November 20). The History Of Modern Chile, Mirrored In Dance. Retrieved July 14, 2016, from http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=120619384
[10] Hamre, B. (n.d.). Chile's Fiestas Patrias. Retrieved July 28, 2016, from http://gosouthamerica.about.com/cs/southamerica/a/ChileDieciocho.htm
As poverty, racial tensions, and the exploitation of living in a postcolonial society filled the everyday struggle of the people of Jamaica, Dancehall music was able to provide the salvation those struggling individuals needed. Dancehall music, or rather dancehall culture, provides a liberating space where individuals are able to express themselves in ways that may seem uncanny or taboo to many yet it is a necessary outlet for those in poverty to have their voices be heard. Dancehall music has shaped an entire culture and its strong influence is able to spark revolutions. Its heavy beats, simple rhythms, and strong lyrics combat the blind eye people have in looking at poverty in the ghettos of Jamaica and ignore the problem at hand. Dancehall music has given a voice to the lower classes in Jamaica, a voice that can now be heard around the world. Dancehall has influenced, and continues to influence, pop culture in many countries around the world. Its distinct sound of repetitive beats can be heard in Hip Hop music today in the United States. Although its popularity continues to grow, dancehall faces a lot of criticism due to its promotion of sex, violence, and drugs which is a concern for many since dancehall has a great influence on the masses of Jamaica. Despite these criticisms, it is impossible to ignore the importance of dancehall culture in the poor communities of Jamaica as it is meant to spark change.
Dancehall music was not recognized until the 1980s; however, its roots can be linked to plantation culture during the late 1800s. Places where the common people of Jamaica were able to afford to dance were considered dance halls. Dancehall music continued to change as popular music of each time period changed, in other words dancehall music is essentially known as the popular music performed at these dance halls. As African-Jamaican slave musicians became more aware of the sound of European ball room dances, these musicians began to modify these European sounds into a more African style (Stolzoff 26). Dancing became an important part of this new rendered European music, it allowed slaves to, “maintain their cultural identity and values,” (Stolzoff 30). Although dancing, during this time, was used to celebrate cultural identity. Dancing was also used to combat political resistance. As all of these transformations of music and dance were happening in the rural areas of Jamaica, people slowly began to migrate to the city, Kingston, in search of work and new opportunity. When people left the rural areas of Jamaica for Kingston, the people still took their music and culture with them. However, cosmopolitanism transformed the music of the people, creating Dancehall music, which resulted in Kingston becoming the center of Dancehall culture and music. During the 1920s until the early 1950s, Kingston became swarmed with newcomers and the urban area simply could not support the dramatic influx of people which, unfortunately, started the roots of urban poverty which still plagues the city (Stolzoff 35).
As technology began to rise and inventions like the radio became of access to the people in these areas, American pop music grew in popularity in the urban areas of Jamaica – especially Kingston. More so, what attracted the attention of most of the people in Kingston were the sounds of American R&B. Also it is important to note that as poverty continued to grow in the urban areas of Jamaica, dance halls, or rather areas the people could dance and express themselves, became less accessible. However, as a change in music became more of a demand and traditional dancehall musicians became unaffordable, Sound Systems made their grand appearance. “Sound systems first gained popularity in the late 1940s in the virtual absence of live band music. Yet by the mid-1950s, new bands started forming,” (Stolzoff 42) and these new bands are sound systems, using large speakers and records to create new sounds and ultimately dominate dancehalls. These new sounds were essentially prerecorded beats and sounds from different instruments which Selectors, a person of the sound system crew, would mash up together to create riddims – patwa (language spoken in Jamaica) word for rhythm. These new rhythms were not always unique. Selectors could piece together older music to create beats and rhythms. And as technology continued to advance, computer generated rhythms and beats were now being created and the dancehall music we know today started to form.
Although these sound systems were for private dance hall events, popularity still grew due to media coverage of sound systems which led for a higher demand for dancehall music. However, the media also began to focus on revealing the sex and violence within the new dancehall culture which started to give a negative brand to dancehall. This negative attribute made the higher classes view dancehall music as a music for the lower classes, ultimately creating more class tensions. However, dancehall music still managed to become more public and it became most prominent in Kingston. The music began to be performed for social events and venues would be reserved for bashments, or big dancehall parties. But ordinary spaces were also transformed into dancehall performance spaces (Niaah 53). Since the music was disliked by higher classes, political figures, and law enforcement officials, these parties became nomadic in attempt to avoid persecution.
The main attraction in Dancehall music is the DJ (also known as Deejay) whose most powerful instrument is the voice and the creative use of language to put together intense lyrics. DJs are essential to dancehall music; they are the ones who toast or rap over the rhythms created by the selector. However, DJs are nothing without the sound system, especially the selector. Selectors are the ones who are meant to keep up the energy of the crowd for DJs which is why it is important for a DJ to deliver good music for the audience. A bad performance on the DJs part can hinder the reputation of the selector, which to the idea that selectors have the ability to make or break DJs. Selectors are just as widely known as DJs are and just as respected, however DJs have more social influence. DJs gain this influence threw their lyrics in their songs. Discussing political, socio-economic issues within their lyrics and using profanity to stress certain ideas has led to DJs becoming icons for the ghettos of Jamaica. However, this use of profanity has also backfired and critics have dismissed the lyrics of dancehall music since that use of language is viewed as a devaluation of the mother tongue “patwa” (Cooper 6). Even though dancehall music is heavily criticized, it still does bring to light the economic hardship the people of Jamaica must endure.
The common themes in dancehall music are social commentary, inviting participants to “shock out and party, celebrating DJing, speaking against the “slackness” culture opposition, and the most popular theme is sexual/gender relations. Before delving into discussing what dancehall music creates out of these themes, it is important to understand what is “slack.” Slackness is essentially sexual language that most DJs use in their music. A more formal definition would be that slackness encompasses the idea of undermining consensual standards of decency. Therefore, when a DJ is throwing “slack” the DJ is essentially talking about something sexual. Although slackness is often viewed as a very bad attribute to dancehall music, however slackness in music has in fact allowed for alternative definitions for what is culture and it has given individuals the freedom to express their culture. Dancehall music has become a liberating space for both men and women since it allows both groups to freely express themselves. It is important to note that there are many different opinions on the matter of whether this is liberating or oppressing towards women. “Men and women play out eroticized gender roles,” (Cooper 17) at these dancehall events, also known as Bashments, and this perception is created that men are seeking women and vice versa. However, this is often heavily criticized as being pornographic and as a way of objectifying women into being at the mercy of men. Carolyn Cooper argues otherwise in her book, Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large, where she believes that dancehall culture is not meant to be viewed as a devaluation of women nor as a culture that objectifies women but rather it is a celebration of female sexuality and fertility. A female DJ that supports Coopers views is DJ Lady Saw. Lady Saw embodies the erotic and views dancehall as a way for women to openly express themselves. Lady Saw states that Dancehall music is a, “‘sexual liberation of many African-Jamaican working-class women from airy-fairy Judaeo-Christian definitions of appropriate female behavior’,” (Cooper 99). This is where the views on dancehall music become quite complex. This is an underlying conflict within dancehall culture, a clash between the second and third waves of feminism. Whether women express themselves sexually is a form of liberation is a matter based off of one’s personal views which is another reason why dancehall culture is so controversial.
Now taking a look at the actual sounds of Dancehall music, I have chosen two DJs that are well-known in the dancehall community yet they present completely different variations of the music. DJ Yellowman and his song “Nobody Move, Nobody Get Hurt” will be discussed first and this will be followed by a discussion of DJ Lady Saw and her song “Stab Out Mi Meat”.
DJ Yellowman “Nobody Move, Nobody Get Hurt”
Dancehall music can be very political and DJ Yellowman is well known for his lyrics that criticize the current status of Jamaica. DJ Yellowman, also known as “King Yellowman,” was a famous DJ in the 1980s known for his strong political language. One of his most renowned songs is “Nobody Move Nobody Get Hurt” which is a social commentary on the relationship between the people and law enforcement. In the song, a police officer profiles DJ Yellowman assuming he is stealing and asks if he has a gun. Even though Yellowman tells the officer that none of that is true, the officer keeps on pressing and even pulls out his gun threatening Yellowman. It is interesting how Yellowman repeats a sound throughout the song which sounds as though he is getting punched in the stomach. That little artistic touch paints a clear picture of the situation and the problem with officers abusing their power. The song has a slow heavy beat with a simple rhythm that repeats. The background instruments sound to be drums and a bass guitar, but the drum player is the key to creating the rhythm in this song. Although in this song there are live instruments, it is more common for DJs to use computer generated sounds that resemble these instruments in order to create these rhythms, or dubs. The reasoning for a simple beat and rhythm seems to emphasize the lyrics themselves which ultimately drive the song forward. The drums fill in the space between Yellowman’s voice in the chorus, also they help to emphasize certain lyrics in the song. Commenting on Yellowman’s voice, it sounds as if he is talking to the listener as if he were telling a story. This is one of the key elements of toasting in dancehall music. Yellowman’s music is one of the first of modern dancehall which has dramatically changed as years have passed. Some elements that have changed since Yellowman, a faster tempo along with a use of different sounds and a more prevalent appearance of slack.
DJ Lady Saw “Stab Out Mi Meat”
Another famous DJ in dancehall culture is DJ Lady Saw. Lady Saw is one of the first female DJs known for embracing the erotic and supporting the idea of women sexually expressing themselves. There are heavy criticisms revolving around Lady Saw for her use of slack, sexually explicit lyrics. However, Lady Saw still has a lot of support and some argue that a double standard has been unveiled through her lyrics. Male DJs speak of women in sexual ways throughout the upbringing of dancehall but a lot of criticism came about when DJ Lady Saw did the same but towards men. This is where different ideas of female liberation come into conflict with each other. In one of her most famous songs, “Stab Out Mi Meat,” Lady Saw sings about having sex. What makes this song so interesting is her use of the metaphor “Stab out mi meat” giving the perception as the male penis as being something that stabs into her. However, she does not intend for this to be perceived as negative because in the song she is trying to emphasize what she feels during sex. Now these type of lyrics are a perfect representation of slack lyrics. Looking further into the music, there is the recurrence of heavy beats, the rhythm has become a little more complex in comparison to DJ Yellowman but it is still repeated throughout the song. Also it seems that the instruments in the background have the sole purpose of playing the rhythm, there is no complexity of interlocking with the lyrics as seen in DJ Yellowman’s music. The tempo is a lot faster and you can hear additional instruments that were not heard in Yellowman’s music. Although both of these DJs have their own styles, they both represent dancehall culture at its fullest. Also it is important to note that all DJs have their own unique elements. For example, Lady Saw uses her deep voice whereas other DJs, such as DJ Elephant Man, might incorporate a growl, or groan, into their rap and some DJs, such as Sean Paul, include vocables in their music.
Final Remarks
Dancehall music is so diverse and it can be so many things which is why it has the ability to appeal to so many different people. Also Dancehall music, or rather dancehall culture, becomes really attractive to some people since it is viewed as a liberating space where individuals who struggle with economic hardship, or any other hardships of that matter, can go and freely express themselves. Although dancehall faces many criticisms of promoting violence and sex, which is true to an extent, however dancehall is meant to be seen as a form of cultural expression. Those in the ghettos of Jamaica view dancehall as their salvation. Dancehall music is more than music, it has given a voice to those who have been silenced, it has given meaning to the lives of those who lost hope.
Works Cited
Cooper, Carolyn J. “Dancehall Music.” Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Accessed July 8, 2016. https://www.britannica.com/art/dancehall-music.
Cooper, Carolyn. Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. 1-125.
Noble, Denise. “Postcolonial Criticism, Transnational Identifications and the Hegemonies of Dancehall’s Academic and Popular Performatives.” Feminist Review, (90), 106-127. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40663941.
Stanley-Niaah, Sonjah Nadine. Dancehall: From Slave Ship to Ghetto. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2010. 1-53.
Stolzoff, Norman C. Wake the Town and Tell the People: Dancehall Culture in Jamaica. Durham, NC, Etc.: Duke University Press, 2001. 1-64.
The concept of spirit possession has unique meanings to various cultures throughout the world. To most Americans, we may consider this concept a fallacy and dismiss the topic as superstition. However, in parts of Northern Africa and the Middle East, Spirit possession is a part of everyday life. The cult of spirit possession throughout North Africa and the Middle east, known as Zar, predates Judaic religions and is therefore deeply engrained in those who practice. Although we may not share the same beliefs, we can still analyze these rituals objectively and will discuss the definition and attributes of the Zar cult, the role of gender in the Zar ritual and the effect of modern religious beliefs, such as Islam, on the practice of the Zar ritual.
Zar is a cult-like ritual of spirit possession dealing with the healing of ailments or misfortunes through the appeasement of the spirits that possess a human host. According to Richard Natvig, a religious studies professor at the University of Bergen, Zar rituals create “meaningful long term relationships with the spirits” which are “cultivated by ceremonially provoked spirit possession on a regular basis.” The word Zar actually refers to the collective name of the type of spirits that possess people, known as Zar Spirits. Those who practice Zar were generally once harmfully affected by the spirits they host. Through regular participation in the Zar Rituals, the negative effects of the spirits can be controlled or neutralized.
Zar is referred to as a cult-like because it is loosely organized and does not adhere to specific texts. As such the rituals are secluded to local common folk and are subject to their respective cultures of North Africa and the Middle East. Zar ritual origins are debated, however it is known that Zar was brought to the Middle East by women slaves from Northern Africa (Natvig 670-672). Zar rituals are generally practiced as private ceremonies. Zar is not intended to be schismatic in rejecting other religions. Rather Zar is an aid to those who practice as it produces quick and concrete results of healing. Zar is predominately practiced by the less affluent. According to Edith H. Grotberg, Ph.D. who is the director of the International Resilience Research Project for the Civitan International Research Center at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, the beneficial effects of Zar on those who practice it is evident through the alleviation of mental illness in the women in Sudan. Because Zar is a form of healthcare, people who cannot afford modern medicine can seek Zar. The practice of the Zar ceremony is unique to the region and culture that practices it, however, the underlying principles are the same. The most defining features of Zar are its ceremonial attributes such as the regalia used, the trance-like state of dancing and the music that guides the ritual.
(Video example 1):
The short documentary, entitled “Zaar” by Seyedeh Abir Hakimi, describes the Zar ritual of South Iran in Qeshm, Iran. The documentary gives the perspective of Iran Dejhgani, a researcher and writer, and Eisa Qhaderi, a Baba Zaar or Zar ritual leader. Iran Dejhgani describes Zar as “a spiritual wind that enters the body.” When the spirit begins to like or fall in love the host, they enter the host’s body and the host begins feel ill. Dejhgani describes the role of the Baba Zaar and states that he is to have received the occupation through family lineage. The role of the Baba Zaar is to act a specialist in Zar and can cure ailments through Zar. Eisa Qhaderi describes his role as Baba Zaar, or Zar ritual leader, as a difficult job. Qhaderi suggests that people who go to doctors and leave without diagnosis go to him. Through the help of Zar, the Baba Zar can diagnose and cure whatever illness they may have. Qhaderi says his job can be met by others with insult and argument. The documentary does not go into depth about significance the material for the ritual, however we see footage of the ceremonies and the regalia present. From the ceremonies seen in the documentary, we see incents burning and the spirit host is perfumed with them, as well as all who are attending the ceremony. There are both men and women present, however the human host of the Zar spirit is male. We hear the music of male musicians playing drum patterns and singing. The music is absolutely necessary to draw the Spirit to the body. Once the Spirit enters the body, the host begins to dance in a trance-like state. To give the host spiritual focus, the Baba Zaar covers the tranced host with a cloth. Qhaderi and Dejhgani continue describe the regalia present during the ceremony which include a tray that holds the incents, rosewater and tree sap, and walking sticks. Finally, at the end of the ceremony the Baba Zaar must wash the regalia with blood from a chicken to solidify the effect of the ceremony. This documentary does well to show how the Zar ceremony is carried out. The documentary is limited to South Iran and does not describe in detail the significance of the objects present or the role of gender.
The Zar rituals often take on regional characteristics, specifically on who can practice Zar and how it is practiced. The underlying principles are the same, however. In places like Sudan, gender plays an absolute role on how Zar is practiced. According to Susan M. Kenyon, an anthropologist retired from Butler University in Indiana, Zar in Sudan is separated into two gender categories: Tombura and Burei. The Zar practiced by males is called Tombura. The logic behind male oriented Zar is that men are better suited to deal with male hosts and/or spirits. The Zar practiced by females is called Burei. The same logic is given that women are better suited to deal with female hosts and/or spirits. Tombura and Burei each have their own ritual leader. Kenyon continues to state that the lines between male and female in the spirit realm can be ambiguous and transformed in comparison to the physical gender. The Zar spirits each have their own gender identifier, male or female, but predominately male spirits. Although the gender of the spirits is predominately male, the physical gender of the human hosts is generally female. This suggests that spirit possession has no bias in regards to physical gender. Therefore, Zar does not hold gender as fixed or binary (Kenyon). The human host may then take on traits of the spirit and transform genders spiritually using the traits of the Zar spirit.
The physical objects present during the Zar ritual are indicative of the traits of spirit possessing the host. Susan M. Kenyon describes the term Idda as the material objects used in each Zar ritual. Idda is particularly a female Zar term because it refers to the period after a woman becomes a widow. Idda in Sudan consist of but is not limited to coffee, Pepsi cola, whips, walking sticks which depend upon the spirit occupying the host. The coffee represents masculinity and is offered to the male spirits as a house gesture to symbolize the lasting connection and kinship of the participants and spirits. Pepsi cola, however, is used for its sweetness which is considered a feminine quality and is offered to female spirits. The ambiguous line between the gender of spirit and host are not only represented through the Idda, but also through the clothing that the host is drawn to wear. Clothing that represents male spirits include Jellabiya, trousers and pastel colored clothes. Clothing that represent female spirits include skirts, wraps, and bright colored clothing. Music used in Sudanese Zar is also unique to Burei and Tombura respectively. Burei music consist of both percussion and singing on a regular basis. The Daluka, a clay drum, is a female drum used in the ceremonies of Burei. Music in Tombura is reserved for annual rituals and consists of percussion, singing and stringed instruments. The string instrument is played by the Zar leader and is called a rababa and the drums are called Nugara. In either case, the music is necessary for the Zar ritual. The musicians practice with the Zar leader for years to learn how to perfect their rhythms. Each rhythm is specific to a spirit and is considered a tie between the spirit and their host. The host is then entranced by the rhythm and dances to the allowing the spirit possession to occur (Kenyon). The role of gender in Sudanese Zar dictates the type of Zar and regalia used in the ceremonies.
(Video Example 2 *Warning-Graphic*):
The video example 2 called “The Need For a Dignified Collapsed Zar,” translated from Arabic, “الحاجة كريمة انهار الزار”, directed by Nevin Shelby from the Academy Rafat Mihi, shows the modern-day Zar ritual from Cairo, Egypt. Although the video is in Arabic, we can pick up certain significant themes. The Zar ritual performed is adherently for women, with women and men musicians. We can see the Idda used and was passed along in ritual format. We can hear the Zar rhythms which caused the entrancement dance of the female hosts. The sacrifice of the animal is concurrent with the ceremonial requirements previously described. The lady speaking, most likely the Shiekha, or female Zar ritual leader, spoke of the Koran and Allah which are Islamic attributes. The video also shows the Shiekha as she prays in the fashion of Islam, indicating her formal religion. This video, therefore, is showing that although one can practice the Zar ritual, they are not hindered from practicing their own religion.
The role of Islam on Zar is great as the cultures who practice Zar tend to be in areas with a large Muslim influence. However, Zar assimilates itself to Islam as shown in video example. According to Janice Boddy, Ph.D., an anthropology professor at the University of Toronto, Islam has a negative outlook on Zar. Because of Islam’s negative outlook on Zar, the Zar ritual must be practiced in private. Boddy describes the discourse of Zar as “muted” socially, while rituals of Islam are free to discuss socially. According to Gerda Sengers, Ph.D., an anthropologist and sociologist from the University of Amsterdam, Islam has its own form of exorcism which she calls “Koran Healing.” Koran Healing is slightly sanctioned by the Koran itself as the Koran refers to a spiritual realm, Jinn, that can have physical effects on this world. Although it is sanctioned by the Koran, it has negative connotation because they believe sorcerers can manipulate this Jinn and cause harm believed to be “Black Magic.” Because Zar predates Islam, the longevity of Zar has lasted through its criticism. Gerda Sengers states that her knowledge is greater regarding female Zar because she was not allowed by locals to participate in male healing meetings. Islam may have negative views on Zar, however, those who practice find great relief in the practice of Zar and continue their practicing.
Spirit possession in the United States is seen in entirely different sense than that of those who practice Zar in North Africa and the Middle East. Zar is a cult-like ritual that allows for spirit possession of a human host in order to cure or control ailments that once plagued the host from unregulated spirit possession. Because Zar is loosely organized, the rituals take on the attributes of the region and culture that practice it. However, the underlying principles are the same and music is necessary at the ceremonies to draw the spirit to the host. The role of gender is clearly exhibited through Sudanese Zar where women practice Burei and men practice Tombura. Although gender is clear physically, gender is ill defined in the realm of the Zar spirits, in that a spirit identified as one gender can possess a human host of another gender. The identity of the spirit will then dictate which regalia will be present at the ceremony. Finally, because Zar is practice in region with strong Islam influence, Zar is criticized for being un-Islamic, even though Zar does not prohibit any other religion. Zar acts as an affordable healthcare to those who benefit from the practice. This form of spirit possession will continue to thrive in the areas of North Africa and the Middle East.
Works Cited
Boddy, Janice. Wombs And Alien Spirits: Women, Men And Zar Cult In Northern Sudan. Madison: Univ of Wisconsin Pr, 1989. ATLA Religion Database. 27 June 2016..
Grotberg, Edith. Mental Health Aspects of Zar for Women in Sudan, Women & Therapy. 1990.
Kenyon, Susan M. "“Moveable Feast Of Signs”: Gender In Zar In Central Sudan." Material Religion 3.1 (2007): 62-75. Art Source. 27 June 2016.
Natvig, Richard. "Oromos, Slaves, and the Zar Spirits: A Contribution to the History of the Zar Cult." The International Journal of African Historical Studies 20.4 (1987): 669-89.
Sengers, Gerda. Women and Demons: Cultic Healing in Islamic Egypt. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Print
Tropicalia – The Story of a Cultural War in Brazil
By: Andre Pereira Bojikian
Introduction
When the subject of study is Brazilian music, there’s a great amount of material to go over, since the country has a really rich and diverse artistic culture. In music, this diversity can be observed in almost every single genre, in both classical and popular music. The traditional European style of classical erudite played in theatres for the noble, brought by the Portuguese during the colonial period, got mixed with the percussive and so called “wild” African rhythms brought by the slaves, originating different styles and a really diverse culture in music for Brazil.
This chapter, however, is focused on a specific genre in that broad set of different sounds arising in Brazil. The Tropicalia movement was born in a moment of distress in Brazilian politics, originated from the worldly known Bossa Nova genre as a protest by the Brazilian young generation, as a response to the violent repression by the totalitarian government. It was created as a branch of Brazilian Popular Music, also known as MPB, but independent from Bossa Nova, which, according to the Tropicalists, was creating an illusion of a perfect country by highlighting its qualities in the songs in a moment when they needed an honest portrait of what was truly happening in Brazil. Tropicalia, therefore, was a form of protest in Brazilian music, its goal was to show the rest of the world all the bad stuff happening in the country, by producing sounds that weren’t exactly pleasant to hear, like Bossa Nova was, and lyrics that talked about how bad the repression was, rather than describing how beautiful Brazilian women are and how great the beach in Rio is.
Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil, and Tom Ze are some of the names that carry the legacy from Brazilian Tropicalia. They were great musicians who impressed their audience with both their compositions and their bravery, since, like many other rebels at the time, they were either arrested or exiled from the country due to their liberal ideology during the regime. They represented an entire generation in Brazilian Pop, a generation that was tired of all that music that only old people liked, and more important, was ready to fight for their rights in a moment of repression.
Twenty Years of Terror
In the late 1950’s, Brazil was living a good moment in its history, also known as the “Golden Years”. With the end of WW II, the country went through a huge economic growth and cultural development. Since the war was ended, there was a contagious optimism all over the world, and Brazil in special was starting to open its rich culture to other countries, by hosting the 1950 FIFA World Cup and showing not only their soccer skills, but also the Brazilian Samba in global scale. Until that moment, the Brazilian music was strongly divided in classical erudite music and folk music, with a huge difference between them, not only in the sound itself, but also in the audience. The first was played by orchestras exclusively for the high class, in big theatres, conducted by European “maestros,” whereas the folk music refers to the samba and pagode played on the streets or in bars by the lower classes.
In 1958, however, Joao Gilberto inaugurated with his album “Chega de Saudade” a new style, called Bossa Nova, which later would origin the so called MPB (“Brazilian Popular Music”). Bossa Nova was the representation of all the Brazilian optimism in the Golden Years, and the songs would portray Brazil as the perfect country, where the tropical beaches are wonderful and all the women are gorgeous. It had elements from both the classical and the folk music, since many of the artists who adhered to this movement were famous and well-educated musicians, who also liked to go to the bar to drink beer and flirt with women, living the bohemian life. The Bossa Nova inaugurated the so called Brazilian Popular Music, the MPB, as it became worldly famous when Tom Jobim (a highly educated musician) and Vinicius de Moraes composed “Girl from Ipanema” (video below for listening example) while they were sitting in a bar in Rio having a drink and saw a beautiful woman approaching. The song is still considered one of the most iconic Brazilian musical creations and it shows how Bossa Nova combines carefully composed melodies with lyrics about how gorgeous the girl was.
In the early 1960’s, however, Brazil was about to face one of the most obscure and terrifying moments in its history in politics, ending all that optimism from the Golden Years. The president Joao Goulart, considered a communist by many, was seen as a threat to the capitalist ideology during the Cold War, bringing the possibility that Brazil could follow Cuba’s steps into a communist revolution. Due to all this fear and political tension, the military, supported by the American government, organized a coup d’etat and implanted a totalitarian regime, ending the democracy and repressing any form of protest against the government. Between 1964 and 1985, Brazil was ruled by dictators, who hided their inhuman intentions behind fake indirect elections and used the tension during the Cold War to protect their legitimacy under the illusion that they were protecting the country from communism. Democracy was ignored, and basic human rights were violated with people being tortured or killed for expressing their minds. The Golden Years were over, and it was time to show that in music.
Another characteristic of that period was the exacerbation of nationalism and patriotism in Brazil. The only type of artistic manifestation supported by the government was one that portrayed Brazil as the best country in the world, highlighting its qualities and creating an illusion that everything was fine in the country. Needless to say, Bossa Nova was not only allowed, but also appreciated by those in favor of the dictatorship.
In 1968, also known in Brazil as the “year that never ended,” the Ato Institutional Numero Cinco (AI-5) was added to the Brazilian constitution by the president dictator Gen. Costa e Silva. Among other absurd changes in the law to help the repression, it gave the government the right to arbitrarily punish those who protested against the government, which meant they could apply whichever method they wanted in the punishment, including prison, torture, and sometimes even death. At this moment, the young generation started to pronounce themselves against all these barbarities with more strength. Young students from all over the country created the Movimento Estudantil (“Students’ Movement”) in order to fight the violent repression. Their slogan was “proibido proibir,” which means “it’s forbidden to forbid,” and actually is the name of a song by Caetano Veloso, one of the main artists from the Tropicalia movement.
Meanwhile, in the USA, a new culture was being created among the young generation of the 1970’s, the Hippie Culture. All those college students with long hair protesting on the streets of New York and San Francisco against the Vietnam War, wearing colorful clothes, holding flowers and listening to Jimi Hendrix and Pink Floyd, inspired the Brazilian generation to fight for their rights and deny the standards imposed to them by the society. In this context, a new branch comes out of the Brazilian popular music, separated from Bossa Nova, ruled by the young generation and used as a weapon against the dictatorship in Brazil: the Tropicalia music.
The Music as a Form of Protest
In the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, some modern sounds were being introduced to the Brazilian Popular Music. Those sounds came as a protest to the ideology disseminating in the country that, according to some artists, were represented by the traditional classical music and the Bossa Nova. This new style still qualified as a branch of MPB, but it was made by the young generation and for a younger audience. It incorporated different elements to the music creating a unique type of sound, and it spread radical ideas in the lyrics, constructing a genre that wasn’t exactly pleasant, but had a strong philosophy attached to it.
The Tropicalism was a response to the fake and illusory representation of Brazil in Bossa Nova at the time. The “aggressive nationalism,” as in the words of Caetano Veloso, was sustaining a system where any music that told the truth about the country’s situation was repressed by the government, which, in the mind of the “Tropicalists,” was an obstacle in the fight for democracy. It was time to evince the bad stuff too, and show that Brazil was not a tropical paradise anymore. They also saw in music an opportunity of expressing their ideology, criticize the status quo in a more effective way, that is in a way that people would actually understand, besides the fact that they could possibly hide their liberal ideas among the lyrics of their songs to avoid the repression.
In other words, the Tropicalism came to criticize the traditional conservative ideas that, not only were a delay in the Brazilian culture (which the tropicalists were very attached to), but also ruled the nation in a totalitarian regime that treated liberal ideas as indicia of communism and confronted it with barbarian, violent methods. As Christopher Dunn says in ‘Brutality Garden – Tropicalia and the Emergence of a Brazilian Counterculture,’ “The tropicalists critiqued certain forms of cultural nationalism, including the conservative patriotism of the regime and the visceral anti-imperialism of the left-wing opposition. […] producing ‘authentic’ national culture.” (Dunn 73).
The Tropicalia movement can be summarized as modern music breaking traditional standards. As said before, it had a great influence from the Hippie Culture, adopted by the young generation in the 1970’s all over the world. The Tropicalism was an artistic revolution, and those who adhered to it brought not only revolutionary songs mixed with revolutionary ideas in a moment of repression, but also breakouts in graphic arts and dressing styles. Most of the young musicians at the time had long hair and wore colorful hipster clothes, breaking the standards of the good looking artist. Not to mention that those artists pronounced themselves not only regarding politics, but also social issues, such as personal freedom, gender, sexuality, race, among others. This whole ideology of denying the traditional culture and impose new models inaugurated the counterculture in Brazil. As Dunn describes in his book again, “On a discursive level, the tropicalists proposed a far-reaching critique of Brazilian modernity that challenged dominant constructions of national culture.” (Dunn 3).
Incorporating New Young Sounds to Brazilian Pop
As previously described, in the late 1950’s, the Brazilian popular music, also known as MPB was born, with Joao Gilberto’s first successful album “Chega de Saudade.” That is considered by many the beginning of Bossa Nova, which was originated from the Brazilian classical erudite music. Some people compare Bossa Nova to the American Jazz, due to the similarities in the instruments and the sound itself. Bossa Nova is a mixture of the beautiful arrangements in Brazilian classical music, played for high class people in the big theatres, with the popular sounds of Samba and Pagode, played by the common people on the streets, and in bars and taverns. The songs are usually very romantic in Bossa Nova, since most of the times they talk about unconditional love, beautiful women, and the bohemian life in Rio de Janeiro, but always highlighting the qualities of Brazil, like in the song “Aquarela do Brasil” by the composer Ary Barroso, where he highlights his proud of being Brazilian and all the good aspects of the country. The video below shows a clip of this song produced by Walt Disney in the movie “Saludos Amigos.”
In the late 1960’s, however, MPB was significantly affected by Brazil’s political situation. Music was being used as a form of protest, and the huge influence of the hippie culture in Brazil helped to create the first signs of a Brazilian counterculture. In music, this was reflected in some modern sounds breaking the traditional standards. All those modern sounds allowed the young generation to join MPB and create their own art, from their own perspective of what is music, which confronted traditional concepts on the art. For some erudite highly educated musicians, those were just kids making noise with their new instruments, but for their own community, those youngsters were representing their ideology in music, which was a huge advance in the fight against the military regime.
Tropicalia music is frequently described as a mixture of genres (the first video below provides “Tropicalia” by Caetano Veloso as a listening example). One of the most criticized elements in their sound was the incorporation of the American electric guitar as an instrument in Brazilian Pop. Since the American government supported the military regime in Brazil thinking that it would protect the country from a communist revolution, there was a boycott against certain elements from the American pop culture, and the electric guitar, which was used in Jovem Guarda (a movement that didn’t really give importance to the fight against the regime) was one of them. They also mixed Samba with Bossa Nova, Baiao, Pagode, among other Brazilian genres. Their sound was considered by many an ugly music, but according to the Tropicalists, those people could not separate the ugly from the different, that is, from the innovative. To illustrate this, there is the Festival Internacional da Cancao, a music festival in 1968 hosted in Sao Paulo, Brazil, where Caetano Veloso played the song “Proibido Proibir” with the band Os Mutantes, and was jeered by the crowd that started making a lot of noise showing its disapproval as Caetano pronounced a speech of anger against them (second video below).
In this festival, Caetano was crucified by the public. It’s the perfect example to illustrate how the Tropicalia sound was not easily well accepted as a form of music. In this video (second video), we can hear Caetano beginning his performance by making weird sounds, as if he was moaning. And once the music starts, we can hear very common western instruments, such as the electric guitar, the electric bass, and the drums, playing some really uncommon musical arrangements. In Tropicalia music, different genres from Brazil and from other countries are mixed together, following lyrics that directly attack the government and the repression, such as “proibido proibir” (“it’s forbidden to forbid”). In the middle of the presentation, however, the crowd begins to make noise, trying to interrupt the music with hoot and shouting, and, as a response, the band begins to make noise with their instruments. During the conflict with the audience, Caetano talks to the public, as if he was shouting the lyrics, out of the melody, “I’ll keep singing, out of tune, with no melody, just like Brazil is now […] you don’t understand anything!” (Caetano Veloso during the Festival Internacional da Cancao). In the song “Tropicalia” (first video) we can also hear the mixture between genres. Among the instruments used, we can hear the electric guitar, the bass, the synthesizer, and some Brazilian percussion instruments, such as the cuica, the Brazilian tambourine, and the agogo. The music itself does not qualify as samba, baiao, Bossa Nova, or any other genre, because it’s a huge mixture of everything.
From Piece of Trash to Important Legacy
Tropicalia was only one branch of Brazilian Popular Music, but it had a significant influence in the country’s culture, which can still be observed today. It brought a whole new side to Brazilian popular music, completely different from the Bossa Nova, not only in the significance, but also in sound. If it wasn’t for the Tropicalia movement, Bossa Nova would still be the only successful genre in MPB, and the Brazilian culture would not be as rich in diversity as it is now.
The importance of Tropicalia, however, was not just artis. This genre was an important weapon for the people in the fight against the repression of the military regime. It disseminated ideas that spoke of freedom, and justice for those who were wrong arrested or killed. Those musicians were true warriors at that time, and most of them still are. Caetano Veloso spoke his mind a lot recently about the president’s impeachment in Brazil, proving that artists also get involved in politics frequently, and sometimes are more influent than politicians in the public opinion. Tropicalia changed the course of history in Brazil. With the Brazilian amnesty law, signed in 1979, Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil returned to their home from the exile, and all the charges against them were removed. Today, they still compose and perform, and their work will be forever written in Brazilian history.
Resources
Behague, Gerard. 1980. “Brazilian Musical Values of the 1960s and the 1970s: Popular Urban
Music from Bossa Nova to Tropicalia.” The Journal of Popular Culture, 14: 437-452. Retrieved from http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1980.1403_437.x/abstract. Accessed 23 June 2016.
Dunn, Christopher. Brutality Garden: Tropicalia and the Emergence of a Brazilian
Counterculture. North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001.
Leu, Lorraine. Brazilian Popular Music: Caetano Veloso and the Regeneration of Tradition.
Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2006.
Veloso, Caetano. Tropical Truth: A Story of Music and Revolution in Brazil. Sao Paulo:
Companhia das Letras, 1997.
D’Orey, Fred; Cohn, Sergio, and Coelho, Frederico. Encontros: Tropicalia. Rio de Janeiro:
Beco do Azougue, 2008.
Links for listening:
· “Girl from Ipanema” by Tom Jobim and Vinicius de Moraes: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lg_afqmeZoE
· “Aquarela do Brasil” by Ary Barroso (Walt Disney’s Version): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DK09XttXqOg
· “Tropicalia” by Caetano Veloso: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CkydG29xWUU
· “Proibido Proibir” by Caetano Veloso and Os Mutantes (with hoot from minute 5:44 till the end): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CkydG29xWUU
Kapa Haka: A Passionate Expression of Culture Through Song and Dance
The indigenous people of New Zealand nurtured a rich culture that spread its influence throughout the globe. Although somewhat isolated until the first foreign colonization in the 19th century, their indigenous traditions still live on today. The traditional dance called Kapa Haka encompasses many oral traditions and lessons that generation after generation inherit. Some sub-categories of Kapa Haka include, but are not limited to, Poi, Haka, and Waiata-ā-ringa. All the sub-categories played a vital role in the development of the Māori culture. Along with these vibrant dances, facial expressions called pūkana and Tā moko (tattoos), allow the performers to convey a variety of meanings. Without the specific expression of dance the Māori people would struggle to convey their ethos with other members of the tribe and with outsiders. During the dance they use emphatic motions of their bodies to instill fear and to strike the souls of their enemy, or in modern day context, the souls of bewildered tourists that are not welcome. The significance of the Kapa Haka traditional dance is apparent when looking at all the lessons and values passed down by every generation. With modern day travel and communication, traditions spread rapidly. With the increased ease of travel, outside influence could potentially skew the interpretation and teachings of this cultural phenomenon. Present day Kapa Haka, and other dance forms have transformed, yet still holds their pure traditional values that range from light laughter and fun to fear mongering.
Traditionally, the Inuit of Canada do not have a specific word for what English-speakers call ‘music’. The closest word in Inuktitut, the name of the Inuit language, is ‘nipi’, which includes music, the sounds of speech, wild animals, the forces of nature, and/or noise in general. However, the Inuit culture did have a few traditional forms of entertainment. Some of these forms of entertainment include drum dancing and Katajjaq. While drum dancing holds some significance in the form of celebration and telling stories, Katajjaq, also known as Inuit throat singing, was more of a game that was created to help pass the time while the men were off hunting. Not to be confused with overtone singing, which is when a single person sings two notes at the same time, throat singing is a way of producing sounds deep within the throat in order to mimic the sounds of nature. These games were developed to test the control and the strength of breath. In other words, they were a form of endurance to see who could outlast the other, without missing a beat or running out of breath along the way.
The three major Inuit tribes that participate in Katajjaq are the Iglooik, the Netsilik, and the Caribou. In Inuktitut, Iglooik means “there is an igloo here” and Netsilik means “people of the place where there is a seal”. Caribou does not a have a specific meaning in Inuktitut, but these particular Inuit depended entirely on caribou for food, shelter, and clothing. All of these major tribes are located in Canada in Northern Quebec, Baffin Island, and Cape Dorset.
Assimilation, also known as acculturation, has played a major role in the survival of the Inuit culture and their traditions. Assimilation is the process of adapting or adjusting the culture of a group to certain standards of another group. Inuit assimilation occurred mainly out of persuasion rather than choice and the main method of instituting assimilation was through education. Schools discouraged the learning of native languages by punishing those who spoke with their native tongue, often forcing students to stand with their faces to a corner or washing out their mouths with soap. As a result, this particular generation of Inuit peoples no longer had a connection with their language or culture and were thus unable to pass certain traditions on to their own children. Because of this disconnection with their culture and because the Inuit have an oral history rather than a written one, many ancient traditions and practices have been lost over time. It was not until the 1970s when more efforts were made to bring back the ancient traditions to honor them. However, as J. Sydney Jones puts it, “it is yet to be seen if the old cultural heritage can be re-instituted after so many years of assimilation,” (Jones).
Originally, Katajjaq was performed while the men would go off hunting for the winter. This was a way for those at the village to entertain themselves while the men were away. It is also believed that shamanism played a role in throat singing. For example, some theorize that they not only performed these games to pass the time and to enjoy themselves, but to also “create more favorable conditions for hunting and fishing,” (Nattiez 405). It is not proven that it was actually involved, however.
Performers are usually women, ranging in age and/or skill. For example, a 60-year-old woman is just as allowed to throat sing as a 30-year-old woman is. Though there have been some instances where there are 3-4 women performing at once, these games are typically performed in duets. Even though they are typically played by women, men are allowed to throat sing as well. In fact, men would sometimes use throat singing as a form of competition (Keillor). Sometimes the youth also participate in these games, however it is mostly the older women that perform. The traditional clothing that performers wore was made of “tanned seal and caribou skins to make clothing, much of it with fur trim,” (Jones). Nowadays, performers just wear manufactured clothing made to look like the traditional clothes that were worn.
The “singing” in traditional Katajjaq is meant to mimic the sounds of nature, such as the breathing of an animal or the sound of running water. Because of this, Katajjaq has three layers of expression: a textual layer, a melodic layer, and the quality of sound altogether.
The textual layer is mostly made up of vocables such as “hamma” or “ama”. Vocables are nonsense words and, therefore, carry no real meaning to them. Sometimes words with meaning are used, but their meanings have been lost over the course of history.
The melodic layer is the set of pitches and respiration patterns that are alternated between the participants of each game. The short succession of notes that are produced within a single melodic line can also be called a motif. The first voice, or the leader, is the person that begins the game, while the second voice is the person that mimics the sounds and respiration patterns of the leader. Performers inhale and exhale rhythmically, usually in canon with one another, “producing a range of sounds from voiced to voiceless pitches,” (Nattiez 457). To sing in canon means that both singers sing the same melody, starting at different times. The ultimate goal is to create a homogenous sound, even though there are two or more people participating. Therefore, the second person must try to mimic whatever sounds that the leader makes. Sometimes, however, the second person will change the pitch or the rhythm slightly and the first person must be able to follow along with the new rhythm pattern being presented; otherwise the game is all over.
The third layer is the quality of sound that is produced, such as the vocal timbre or the vocal quality of the participants. The sounds produced are often described as guttural sounds or grunts. Nonetheless, these sounds are meant to imitate the sounds of nature, such as the breathing of the caribou or the sound of running water.
In recent times, there has been some controversy in the case of Tanya Tagaq, a famous Inuit throat singer. She is known to perform as a solo act and because she chooses to perform without a singing partner, some of the elders of her village have expressed worry at the thought of mixing the traditional sounds with more contemporary music. Much of the Inuit culture and language has already been lost to history and, to them, mixing the traditional throat singing with modern sounds would mean the loss of Katajjaq as well, (Perry). This is not a universal belief, however. Some elders embrace the change and feel that she is strengthening their culture by gaining the interest of the youth of today.
Unlike before where Katajjaq was only performed among those within the tribe, modern-day throat singers, like Tanya Tagaq, have made efforts to add a modern spin to Katajjaq by adding instruments and performing in large concerts as a way of promoting this “new” way of singing. As a result, there are two different styles to throat singing: traditional throat singing and contemporary throat singing. To compare the more traditional sound of Katajjaq versus the more contemporary sound, below are two videos that will help distinguish the two. The first video shows two sisters named Karin and Kathy Kettler, who are performing at the Circumpolar Music and Dance Festival and the second video is of Tanya Tagaq performing at a concert in Puebla, Mexico.
In the first video, we are presented with the more traditional Katajjaq. Here, we see Karin and Kathy singing at a Festival that is meant to educate people about the different types of music and dance that other cultures within the Circumpolar region take part in. Because it is more of an educational concert, we also see that the performers occasionally interact with the audience to give some information about the origins of Katajjaq and what certain things mean in the Inuit culture. As Karin put it, “Throat singing comes from our voice, our throat, and our breathing,” and based on the singing that we hear throughout the video, this statement holds true. Their singing is very relaxed and soothing. Unlike contemporary throat singing where instruments are used as accompaniment, the performers do not use instruments; they just sing together. Though the video does show them singing while playing a hand drum, they are not throat singing; they are performing another Inuit form of entertainment called drum dance.
The second video is very different from the first in many aspects. First of all, the setting is unlike the first video’s setting in that Tanya is performing at a concert festival in Puebla, Mexico. Therefore, there is not as much interaction with the audience as there is with the first video. Also, we see that she is singing alone instead of with a singing partner, like the sisters in the other video. Though we see that Tanya has a DJ and a Cellist playing in the background at some point, they serve more as accompaniment for Tanya. Second of all, Tanya’s style of singing is much different than that of the sisters in the other video. Rather than having a sort of relaxed tone, like with the sisters, Tanya’s voice is very rough and edgy in comparison.
Overall, the contemporary approach to Katajjaq that Tanya Tagaq demonstrates is much different compared to the style and sound of the traditional approach to Katajjaq. The only thing that truly connects traditional and contemporary Katajjaq is the sounds that are produced; the throaty, guttural sounds that are unique to throat singing. It is what kind of setting the performance takes place in and how the performers choose to present the music that make them different.
To conclude, Katajjaq or Inuit throat games were a way of testing endurance and having fun at the same time. In some cases, these games were performed as a form of friendly competition against others, to see who could outlast the other. Currently, the Inuit are trying to preserve many of their ancient traditions, as a way of reconnecting themselves with their past. Because of assimilation, however, many of these traditions have been lost to history and may never be regained. Despite these losses, however, throat singing is becoming more prominent in today’s Inuit culture. Artists, such as Tanya Tagaq, are trying to add a more contemporary vibe to Katajjaq as a way to gain the interest of the younger generations. While some have disapproved of the modern take on throat singing, others have embraced the changes that are being made, saying that it will ultimately strengthen their culture in the long run. For the most part, though, Katajjaq is more than just a game to pass the time. As Evie Mark puts it, “it's about identity, it's about who you are, [and] where your environment is,” (Deschênes).
References Cited
Deschênes, Bruno. "Inuit Throat-Singing." Inuit Throat-Singing. January 3, 2002. Accessed July 01, 2016. http://www.mustrad.org.uk/articles/inuit.htm.
Jones, J. Sydney. "Inuit - History, Modern Era, Acculturation and Assimilation." World Culture Encyclopedia. Accessed July 7, 2016. http://www.everyculture.com/multi/Ha-La/Inuit.html.
Keillor, Elaine. Music in Canada: Capturing Landscape and Diversity. McGill-Queen's University Press, 2006. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt80vwp.
Nattiez, Jean-Jacques. "Inuit Throat-Games and Siberian Throat Singing: A Comparative, Historical, and Semiological Approach." Ethnomusicology 43, no. 3 (1999): 399-418.
Reggaeton: Creating the Pan-Latin American Identity
by Gayle Huang
Loud, deafening screams fill Quinta Vergara Amphitheatre as Daddy Yankee, a master of reggaeton, enters the stage for the 2006 Viña del Mar Festival in Chile. Two, bright red Harley Davidsons drive across the stage, the rumbling sound of their engines mixing with the crowd’s screams. Quick percussion beats signaling the start of “Gasolina”, one of reggaeton’s most popular songs, flow through the stereo system causing the audience to scream louder in excitement. Everyone begins to take out their white shirts to twirl on top of their head, a well-known move in “Gasolina.” Dressed in hip-hop fashion and covered in jewelry, Daddy Yankee begins rapping along with the beat. As he raps, the crowd chants along in the background. A background rapper’s voice is heard saying one or two words when Daddy Yankee pauses before rapping his next line. To engage with the audience, during the chorus, Daddy Yankee raps one line and then sticks his microphone out to the audience so that they can shout the next line as a response. Every chorus in this song is performed this way. The song finally ends with bursts of an airhorn-like sound resonating throughout the entire venue. The catchy rhythm, energetic setting, and lyrical content seen in songs such as “Gasolina, are some of the reasons why reggaeton is considered as a representation of the Latin American identity.
Reggaeton does not have its own sound, but is instead comprised of many elements of Western music. Ethnomusicologists found it difficult to define reggaeton because of the overwhelming number of genres it sounded similar to. It is frequently associated and labeled as hip-hop, dancehall, reggae, dembow, or latin. In the mid-90’s, artists and audiences referred to reggaeton as hip-hop and reggae. [3] However, it should not be classified as any of the above genres because it used small elements of each genre to create its own distinctive sound. [2] Due to its heavily Western influence, the texture for reggaeton is homophonic. Most of its music is energetic, so a lot of performances and music videos involved people dancing in clubs or exclusive parties.
One of the most noticeable characteristics of reggaeton was the boom-ch-boom-chick beat. This specific rhythmic pattern served as reggaeton’s backbone. [3] In the 1990’s, Shabba Ranks, a Jamaican reggae singer, created a reggae/dancehall song called Dem Bow. This song had been covered and recorded multiple times by different artists that it was not surprising when it landed in the hands of reggaeton producers. With a standard dancehall beat pattern and some extra snare rolls, the 3+3+2 drum rhythm was formed. The pattern was also accompanied with “…[a] driving bassline and occasional chords, played on a keyboard and often dubbed out through the application of heavy echo/delay.” [3] Eighty percent of all reggaeton productions used this pattern. For example, Daddy Yankee’s “Gasolina” and Tego Calderon’s “No Pasa De Moda” have the basic boom-ch-boom-chick beat. The drum sounds were made by synthesizers, which created an electronic sound. Therefore, all of the instruments used in reggaeton are considered to be electronophones.
Shabba Ranks- “Dem Bow”
Tego Calderon- “No Pasa De Moda””
Ethnomusicologists called reggaeton unique compared to most music because it did not have a specific place of origin. In the book, Reggaeton, the authors found traces of this genre in Miami, New York, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Jamaica, and Panama. Since reggaeton had migrated into many different countries, it is considered as transnational music. Juan Flores described reggaeton as, “…[a] form of music without any single specificable place of origin, with no cuna (cradle) in the sense of a “hood” or even national setting from which it sprang.” The origin of reggaeton was so elusive that even today, scholars still debate on its “birthplace”. However, most scholars acknowledged that it was developed from either Puerto Rico or Panama. [2] Wayne Marshall argued that reggaeton emerged from Puerto Rico in the early 1990’s due to the fact that most of the popular artists and producers came from Puerto Rico. In addition, it was also the place where reggaeton solidified its form and became the popular genre that the media and Spanish speaking fans know and love today. [3] Other essays said Panama was the origin because “…real tradition of reggae is [found in] Panama.” [2] It was where the creators of reggae en español lived and where the most serious reggae radio was found. [2] As mentioned before, reggae and dancehall played a huge influence in the development of the structure in reggaeton. Both reggae and dancehall are popular music genres in Jamaica. Between the 1880s and 1920, thousands of Jamaicans moved to Panama to construct the Panama Canal and with them, they brought along reggae. Performing reggae in Panama was a way for Jamaicans to maintain family and cultural ties to the island. [3] So, when the Panamanians heard of reggae, they attempted to transform it by producing reggae music with Spanish lyrics. In a way, the idea of integrating reggae with the Spanish language began in Panama and was a possible reason why researchers said that reggaeton began in Panama. Deborah Pacini Hernandez brought to the debate that the Dominican Republic had a significant role in reggaeton because of two factors. First, she said that reggaeton incorporated a Dominican genre, bachata, into reggaeton sound. Secondly, she mentioned that many Dominicans moved to Puerto Rico suggesting that after many generations, some reggaeton artists have some Dominican ancestry. [2] Dominican bands also collaborated with a lot of reggaeton artists and producers. In her article, “Reflections on Dominican Identity, Race, and Reggateon”, Hernandez emphasized the ancestry factor to support her claim. As one can see, reggaeton’s place of origin is easily debatable because of the many types of genres used from different countries that were integrated into creating one sound.
On a smaller scale, reggaeton was originally only found in the underground music scene. When reggaeton was in its early stages, most of the songs were recorded and produced in the housing projects. [4] Fans of the music tended to be near the projects, which meant it only spread throughout dangerous neighborhoods. As a result, it created a poor and bad reputation for reggaeton. When reggaeton had a slightly cleaner image, it started to appeal to young, middle and lower class audiences who live in urban areas. It became the first music choice to be played at dance parties and clubs. At the dance club or parties, people would dance El Perreo, or doggy style, a dance style that originated in Puerto Rico. [2] It was not a choreographed dance and was meant to imitate the motions of animal mating. The United States knows it as grinding or twerking.
Reggaeton generated both positive and negative receptions. Women went to salons to look more beautiful in preparation for reggaeton concerts and/or clubs that played reggaeton music. [4] This meant they considered reggateon clubs enjoyable since they spent their time and money to look physically beautiful. Secondly, was the creation of El Perreo. This dance was made specifically for reggaeton so that club goers could dance to the music. [2] Thirdly, fans valued reggaeton because it embraced black culture. In times of oppression, a lot of genres created by Africans contained messages as a form of communication to others. For example, Dem Bow, the song, was created with a message telling others to not bow to colonial oppression. [3] This method of communication was extremely important to Latin Americans, especially Puerto Ricans. They looked up to black culture because of all the movements they created, such as the Civil Rights Movement, which inspired them to organize their own movements. [2] Therefore, reggaeton was heavily connected to race based cultural politics—a problem that many Latin Americans wanted to get rid of. Another positive reception was from young adults. Many of them were seen wearing clothing and jewelry in the same way as black musicians in hip-hop music videos in the United States because reggaeton artists also wore clothing in the same style. [5] This act suggested that audiences looked up to reggaeton artists and wanted to be them since they tried to dress like them. Finally and most importantly, the middle and lower class audiences began to enjoy listening to reggaeton because they were able to relate to the lyrics. [4] Many of the lyrics were about government corruption and the bad social conditions. For example, Eddie Dee, a reggaeton rapper, criticized the former speaker of the House of Representatives, Edison Aldaronda, of extortion, money laundering and attempted rape of a minor. [4] By addressing these facts to the country, Eddie Dee was able to unite everyone, regardless of class, to agree on the issues that were occurring in Puerto Rico.
On the other hand, the government had negative receptions toward reggaeton. Since reggaeton was associated with Puerto Rico’s poorest and blackest citizens, they blamed the music for its increased activity of crimes. [4] As a result, they believed that it was the sole cause for the country’s problems. They attempted to contain the spread of reggaeton by confiscating tapes and CDs from music stores. In schools, the Department of Education banned underground music and baggy clothes to remove hip-hop culture. [4] Senator Velda Gonzalez, a supporter of women’s rights, argued against reggaeton’s “dirty lyrics and videos full of erotic movements where girls dance virtually naked.” [4] In 2002, she tried to regulate reggaeton lyrics and the dance moves that accompany it.
Ironically, one year later, she was seen dancing to reggaeton, smiling while lightly swinging her hips to the beat. This incident caused a media frenzy, which turned reggaeton into a national obsession. [4] Everyone became intrigued about what reggaeton was and why it was prohibited. Ivy Queen, a female reggaeton artist, said that it is only logical that if you prohibit something, that is when the kid wants it most. Therefore, she thanked Gonzalez for promoting reggaeton to the world. Gonzalez essentially commercialized the genre. Afterwards, the government had a new look on reggaeton. In the 2003 elections, it was common to see politicians, including Gonzalez, to use reggaeton in their campaign to try to appeal to younger voters. [4]
Once the music spread, it turned into a huge economic success. By changing reggaeton lyrics into radio friendly lyrics, it not only appealed to poor kids, but also middle class youths. [4] The genre quickly became the norm at dance parties and other gatherings. [4] Reggaeton was no longer produced in houses and sold in cars, but instead record labels took over and the music was sold in department stores. [4] This caused a huge impact on sales. Popular performers such as, Tego Calderon, Ivy Queen, and Daddy Yankee gained more recognition. Tego Calderon was the well-known for many aspects: most of his lyrics involved politics, he fused hip-hop and salsa to create his own reggaeton style, and his critics realized that the problems in the country were not because of the music but rather the amateurish way it had been produced. [4]
Not only did reggaeton help Latino Americans revive their economy, but it also gave them an identity. Due to the economic success, Puerto Rico decided to nationalize the music instead of demean it. [4] It emerged as a commercial product capable of spreading their culture, so it became a symbol for demographic trends in the United States and formed the pan-Latin American identity. [4] In the mid-90’s, reggaeton was originally called musica negra because it was intertwined with symbols of blackness. However, when the pan-Latin American identity was established, reggaeton changed its name to reggaeton latino. [3] In Havana, Cuba, most lyrical content described the struggles they faced, such as racism and sexism. Movements were created in response to these issues. In the matter of identity formation, Cubans saw reggaeton music as a way to reconnect and “breathe new life” [1] into the struggles they encountered.
In summary, reggaeton is very similar to Western music through its texture and musical style. Daddy Yankee’s “Gasolina” was a great example to display these characteristics with its homophonic texture, drum patterns, and synthesizers. It had become transnational and musicologists still continue to debate about the origins of reggaeton. Young audiences were first exposed for its catchy tunes, but later, adults became fans for its lyrical content. At first, the government did not approve of reggaeton because of the lyrics and dance. However, Senator Velda Gonzalez changed the government’s perspective. Once the government approved reggaeton and nationalized it, it helped revive their economy. This success, as a result, constructed the pan-Latin American identity.
Sources
1. Baker, Geoffrey. Buena Vista in the Club: Rap, Reggaeton, and Revolution in Havana. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2011.
2. Hernandez, Deborah Pacini, Marshall, Wayne, and Rivera, Raquel Z., editors. Reggaeton. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2009.
3. Marshall, Wayne. "Dem Bow, Dembow, Dembo: Translation and Transnation in Reggaeton." Lied Und Populäre Kultur / Song and Popular Culture 53 (2008): 131-51. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20685604. Accessed 24 June 2016.
4. Negron-Muntaner, Frances and Rivera, Raquel Z. “Reggaeton Nation” NACLA Report on the Americas (2016), 40:6, 35-39. Accessed 24 June 2016. DOI: 10.1080/10714839.2007.11725387
5. Rivera-Rideau, Petra R. Remixing Reggaeton: The Cultural Politics of Race in Puerto Rico. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2015.
Ethio-Jazz and Mulatu Astatke: Treasures of a Nation
by Trevor Clark
In the East African country of Ethiopia, the people are proud that they do their own thing. Being the only African country never to be colonized by a western power, the culture of Ethiopia has remained distinctive over the centuries. This is apparent in their music. For example, most of the traditional musical instruments from Ethiopia are not found elsewhere on the African continent (Zegeye 5). Many Ethiopians feel that their culture stands out as unique among the many other African ethno-linguistic groups. Therefore, in a country of such cultural purists, it is a wonder that ever since the 1960s the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa has been swinging with that most American of genres – jazz.
To get a better picture of trot music, I will first begin by describing where trot music came from and include significant and important events or details about that specific country. In the next section, I will talk about important recurring themes that can be found in trot music. The final section will conclude with my personal analyses of two trot songs in order to allow you a better understanding about what standard trot music sounds like.
The Metal scene in Norway is most famous for being the spawning grounds of the controversial subgenre of music, Black Metal. Norwegian Black Metal has roots in Thrash and Death metal, and commonly includes very extreme, violent and misandric lyrics with heavy Satanic themes. It’s characteristics include fast tempos, shrieking vocals, heavily distorted guitars, and a very dark atmosphere brought on by the use of ‘corpse paint’, death/satanic themed pseudonyms adopted by band members and gory stage decorations.
Norwegian Black Metal was first founded in the 1980’s by what is now commonly referred to as the first wave of black metal. Bands which contributed to this include ‘Venom’, ‘Hellhammer’, ‘Bathory’ and ‘Celtic Frost’. These bands were the first to start including extreme lyrics with many references to the satanic, acts of anarchy and violence.
The second wave of Norwegian Black Metal came in the early 1990’s, brought on by the success and controversy of the first wave Black Metal bands. This era spawned one of the most infamous Norwegian Black Metal bands in history, “Mayhem”, along with “Darkthrone”, “Burzum”, “Immortal” and “Emperor”. This is when the genre really started to gain traction and the themes and styles of the first wave Black Metal bands were developed into a defined genre and subculture.
As a genre, Black Metal is quite different from other forms of extreme Metal, such as Death Metal and Thrash Metal, because of its philosophy and culture. However in terms of pure sound, Black Metal can be mistaken for other forms of extreme Metal by those not familiar with the subtle differences between genres. Black Metal’s most easily recognizable feature is the musical innovation of playing full chords instead of power chords. This innovation has largely been credited to Black Metal figureheads, Snorre ‘Blackthorn’ Ruch and Øystein ‘Euronymous’ Aarseth. Furthermore, most fans agree that Black Metal vocals are often in a higher register and contain ‘shrieks’ rather than ‘growling’ which is used more widely in Death Metal. Black Metal, and a few other Metal genres, also do not have a clear song structure, and rarely follow the traditional verse-chorus format. Large parts of the songs are often devoted to atmospheric and heavy instrumental sections.
With the rise in popularity for Black Metal, the main audience for Black Metal has shifted from youths from Anglo-Saxon countries, to youths in general. The non conformism and exclusiveness of Black Metal appeal a lot to modern audiences because of the commercial nature of music today. In an age where the success of a band depends on the amount of ‘likes’ they get on Facebook and pandering to gigantic record labels, a genre of music which is all about authenticity and shunning the mainstream is a breath of fresh air.
What makes Norwegian Black Metal so distinctive and interesting is not simply the music, but also the culture which the music surrounds. The core values of the Black Metal culture are anti christian, individualistic, maintaining authenticity and barring entry to those who are ‘uncommitted’. The idea of keeping Black Metal out of the mainstream is heavily centric to the Black metal culture. As a result, Black Metal bands will often choose to record in ‘lo-fi’ with very low production quality to ensure a ‘raw’ and ‘cold’ sound, shunning anything which would make the genre more accessible to the mainstream. One of the main founding members of Norwegian Black Metal ‘Euronymous’ would even go so far as to name the founding members of the genre “The Black Circle” to further the image of Black Metal being cult-like, non conformist and separatist, even though the scene was never really organized enough to be anything like a cult.
The idea of being separatist and keeping out of the mainstream is taken to such extremes that many ‘Purist’ Black Metal bands don’t treat their concerts as performances to entertain the audience, but rather as rituals, where authenticity and sincerity are the most important factors. In general, audience participation in Black Metal concerts varies from band to band. However Black Metal bands like ‘Watain’ and ‘Mayhem’ have been known to throw animal blood and heads on to their audiences, and cast ‘spells’ during their performances. Furthermore audience members commonly ‘scream’ and or ‘growl’ along with the beast like vocals of Black Metal performances, and make the iconic ‘sign of the horns’ gesture with their hands.
In most forms of Metal, there are some themes of class superiority and individualism based on music and culture. What makes Black Metal unique is that those themes and ideals are taken to the extreme. In Norwegian Black Metal, authenticity and barring the mainstream are of the utmost importance. This is normally practiced by those in the Norwegian Black Metal scene by intentionally making their music as radical and controversial as possible (which in the highly Christian country of Norway means singing about Satanism) in order to place a firm barrier of entry against those not ‘evil’ or ‘Metal’ enough. It doesn’t stop there.
Not only does the Norwegian Black Metal shun those outside of the Black Metal circle, but there is also constant contention within the scene itself over what is ‘real’ Black Metal, and whether or not certain bands and songs are ‘evil’ and authentic enough. This constant quest to play the ‘blackest’ music and be the most ‘evil’ has even created fatal schisms within the founding members of the Black Metal scene, ‘The Black Circle’. On August 10th 1993 renowned Black Metalist Varg Vikernes killed prominent Black Metal figure ‘Euronymous’. There are still multiple theories as to why Varg killed Euronymous. According to Varg Vikernes himself, he learned from mutual friends of Euronymous that Euronymous was planning to ‘…meet me, knock me out with a stun-gun, tie me up and put me in the trunk of a car. He would then drive into the countryside, tie me to a tree and torture me to death while videotaping everything.’ Varg then proceeded to confront Euronymous in the middle of the night at Euronymous’s home. During the confrontation, Euronymous attacked him first, then went running for a kitchen knife, prompting Varg to pull out his own knife and chase Euronymous out of the apartment before stabbing him in the forehead.
At its heart, Black Metal is a war against the world. It started off as the response of lost youths in the highly religious country of Norway, trying to find their identity. Now, it has come to symbolize the rejection of everything, and the universal desire to rebel against the broken world those before you have created, and return it to its natural state. Many forms of music also express this feeling of primal rebellion, like punk, rock, and even pop music today.
This feeling and desire to break free of the mold that society dictates to us and change the world is a timeless one. Black Metal expresses this dissatisfaction of the world in its extreme music and associating with the Devil, the universes first rebel. And this sometimes leads to people in the Black Metal scene committing heinous acts, due to the the cultures constant quest to be more apart form society, and be more authentic.
Though the acts and music of the Black Metal scene may seem extreme or evil, make no mistake, we all have a bit of Black Metal in us.
One example of the basic structure and format of your end-of-quarter soundscapes analysis. As you’ll notice, this post takes the three categories of sound, setting, and significance and integrates them into a cohesive whole. The post has a clear organizational structure, a compelling narrative, and an abundance of supplemental materials (photos, videos, etc.).
This is the course Tumblr for “Musics of the World,” an ethnomusicology survey course taught by myself, Sarah Messbauer, at the University of California, Davis. Our course will be unfolding over six weeks this summer, and in that time we will be covering a wide range of musical practices, one that still only manages to represent a fraction of all our world has to offer.
There are many reasons for taking an ethnomusicology class; I am sure most of you have at least one (or else you would have taken that drama elective instead!), but I hope by the end of the course that you walk away with many more reasons to study it, a pile of evidence supporting the notion that music - as well as the many other disciplines nestled within the humanities - is worthy of academic study.
While this blog will serve as the platform for the final presentation of your case studies, I hope to make it useful in several other respects - namely for discussion questions or points of interest we don’t have time to examine in class. I will also post summary comments on our in-class writing activities, clarifying points of murky understanding and highlighting thoughtful or unique perspectives worthy of consideration by the group.
If ever you have comments, questions, critiques or suggestions regarding what you see on this Tumblr, please do post a reply or let me know through some other means. After all, this isn’t a vanity exercise (well... not just a vanity exercise). This is a conscientious attempt to promote deep and holistic learning on my part by meeting my students where they are - online!
With that said, I once again welcome you all to what I am sure will be a stimulating and eye-opening experience. See you soon!
