An investigation into reconstruction projects by the American Red Cross in Haiti after the 2010 earthquake shows very little was ever comple
Never forget this
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An investigation into reconstruction projects by the American Red Cross in Haiti after the 2010 earthquake shows very little was ever comple
Never forget this
i just never really feel as empowered by the pictures of buttons from the 1990s that say DYKE on them as i imagine i am supposed to
from the documentary “Mariupol: A Homecoming”
we've never seen socialism existing on its own terms. every socialist project has existed under a constant state of siege by the capitalist world, which is determined to overthrow it. when you scoff that the state has never withered away in any Marxist-Leninist country, you're really scoffing that global capitalism hasn't been defeated yet, because that's what forces socialist projects to maintain their state. you might as well be scoffing at people for not floating while gravity still exists
Happy pride to those 5 seconds where Charlie Swan thought Jacob was coming out to him in the most insane way possible
https://www.ft.com/content/b6cac184-75a4-47ab-94c5-5eb8c92cd407
The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has roiled energy markets. Consumers are calling out for alternatives to unreliable fossil fuels. And yet we are in a world of surplus solar panels. Let that sink in. [...]
In general, these are fair arguments. If we were talking about steel or cement, one would nod and agree. But solar panels? Since when were solar panels just another commodity? They are a technological miracle. They make us into farmers of the sun. For the past half century, research labs around the world, starting in the 1970s with Nasa spin-offs and the big US energy research push under Jimmy Carter, have been straining to reach this point. Together with batteries, which are also rapidly approaching the point of excess supply, they are the key to a sustainable future.
The real surprise from the OECD’s subsidy numbers is that it cost China less than $18bn in sectoral support over 15 years to build an industry that can now provide more clean power than the world can readily absorb.
If industrial policy in the west had delivered this kind of bang for its buck, we would be patting ourselves on the back.
the Tooze on Chinese solar panels. though it's understated in this article how much the missing demand for Chinese solar panels is a political problem: the EU and US simply don't want to buy Chinese solar tech and heavily restrict their import. and this would be fine, if the west didn't shit the bed in the 2010s. 15 years ago the EU was the main solar panel producer. now they produce less than they used to back then. and no, this isn't a China issue: the protectionist measures against China that are in position now could have already been used back then to protect the nascent European solar industry. but they weren't, and now that it's too little too late we'd rather just not import the climate saving tech from China but also not really commit to building our own industry. and the worst part is that the argument about "dependency" etc, the political arguments, are completely bunk: there is no tech dependency on China like we have on the US, solar panels are a one and done deal. there's no software upkeep, no maintenance, no licensing, and there is no kill switch or whatever other fearmongering bullshit.
at this rate South Asia is going to be full of electro-states before the EU. Pakistan already has a higher percentage of solar power generation in their energy mix than Germany
““Let us free Ireland,” says the patriot who won’t touch Socialism. Let us all join together and crush the brutal Saxon. Let us all join together, says he, all classes and creeds. And, says the town worker, after we have crushed the Saxon and freed Ireland, what will we do? Oh, then you can go back to your slums, same as before. Whoop it up for liberty! And, says the agricultural workers, after we have freed Ireland, what then? Oh, then you can go scraping around for the landlord’s rent or the money-lenders’ interest same as before. Whoop it up for liberty! After Ireland is free, says the patriot who won’t touch socialism, we will protect all classes, and if you won’t pay your rent you will be evicted same as now. But the evicting party, under command of the sheriff, will wear green uniforms and the Harp without the Crown, and the warrant turning you out on the roadside will be stamped with the arms of the Irish Republic. Now, isn’t that worth fighting for? And when you cannot find employment, and, giving up the struggle of life in despair, enter the poorhouse, the band of the nearest regiment of the Irish army will escort you to the poorhouse door to the tune of St. Patrick’s Day. Oh! It will be nice to live in those days! “With the Green Flag floating o’er us” and an ever-increasing army of unemployed workers walking about under the Green Flag, wishing they had something to eat. Same as now! Whoop it up for liberty!”
— James Connolly, Let Us Free Ireland! (1899)
“If you remove the English army to-morrow and hoist the green flag over Dublin Castle, unless you set about the organisation of the Socialist Republic your efforts would be in vain. England would still rule you. She would rule you through her capitalists, through her landlords, through her financiers, through the whole array of commercial and individualist institutions she has planted in this country and watered with the tears of our mothers and the blood of our martyrs.”
— James Connolly, Socialism and Nationalism (1897)
Japanese troops march with the Rising Sun flag, the banner carried by imperial Japan’s armed forces during its wars of conquest in Asia, as
By Gary Wilson
U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth went to Singapore on May 30 with an order for Washington’s allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific: spend more on war or face consequences. Hegseth used China as the pretext to demand that U.S.-aligned governments spend more on war, buy more weapons and bind their militaries more tightly to Washington.
That is the language of empire collecting rent.
it is the 15th of April, 1919, a calm day in Milan. The recently formed Fasci di Combattimento march towards the office of Avanti!, the newspaper of the PSI. They force their way in and ransack the place, destroying equipment and setting fire to every piece of paper they can get their hands on. An editor faces down the barrel of a gun and realizes: "if only we'd published abstract and experimental art"
April 28th, 1945. soviet forces are bearing down on Berlin like a bulldozer, preceded by a hailstorm of ordinance. the cutting edge abstract art machine guns tear apart the cement facades of Berlin's government district, pushing the hitlerite regime to its limits and over them, Hitler cannot bear the psychological torment of his reality being torn apart by the legions of experimental artists levied to free Europe from fascism.
Soviet soldiers dressed with early Bolshevik uniforms during the parade commemorating the 50th anniversary of the October Revolution, 1967.
happy pride month!!
why did i say that
happy pride month
Press Cafe / Haus des Berliner Verlags,
Berlin-Mitte, Germany,
built between 1970–1973
architect: Karl-Ernst Swora, Rainer Hanslik, Günter Derdau with Waldemar Seifert, Gerhard Voss.
Mural by Willi Neubert displaying the Marxist view of the press
(c) BACU 2023
Photo Dumitru RUSU
One thing that deeply irritates me is the way some American leftists talk about U.S veterans and imperial violence, because beneath all the Marxist language there is often this unspoken assumption that the rest of the world is supposed to emotionally process American empire in a way that is convenient for Americans. It's specifically the discourse surrounding the tactical necessity of American military veterans and it represents a profound distortion of both historical Marxist theory and contemporary material realities.
This argument typically manifests as a defense of U.S. service members against the "unprincipled" or "moralistic" anger of Global South populations, who are frequently chastised for alienating a demographic that American leftists claim will provide vital "military expertise" when "the revolution" inevitably arrives.
The argument usually goes something like this:
1. Veterans are working class.
2. Lenin argued communists must organize among soldiers.
3. Therefore hostility toward U.S veterans is politically immature, “moralistic,” or anti-materialist" and "un-marxist" because soldiers can become revolutionary subjects and their military expertise will be necessary “when the revolution comes.”
To legitimize this position, chauvinistic elements within the Western left frequently weaponize Vladimir Lenin’s writings on the radicalization of Tsarist soldiers during the Russian Revolution. However, this theoretical transposition collapses under rigorous analysis, relying on a false equivalence that ignores the vastly different class structures, material incentives, and geopolitical positions of the 20th-century Russian conscript versus the 21st-century American volunteer soldier.
When Lenin wrote about the necessity of agitating among Tsarist soldiers, he was analyzing a peasant army composed of millions of intensely exploited, involuntarily conscripted laborers who were being meat-grinded in a catastrophic imperialist war. For the Tsarist soldier, "peace, land, and bread" were immediate, existential class demands that aligned perfectly with the Bolshevik platform. The Tsarist soldier was not a beneficiary of empire; he was its victim, forced at gunpoint to die for a monarchy that denied his family basic agrarian rights.
This distinction matters enormously.
Lenin’s argument was not:
“soldiers are inherently progressive.”
Nor was it:
“colonized people must suppress hostility toward occupying forces.”
Nor even:
“all criticism of soldiers alienates the masses.”
The Bolshevik position was that communist movements cannot afford to abandon armed sections of the population entirely to reactionary politics, especially during periods where state legitimacy is weakening.
In stark contrast, the contemporary U.S. military is a highly professionalized, all-volunteer force that functions as the enforcement arm of global capital. The American soldier is not a peasant conscript but a contractual employee of the imperial core. While the "poverty draft" is often cited to argue that enlistment is entirely coercive, this framing obscures the specific class character of the U.S. veteran. Enlistment in the U.S. military is fundamentally an investment in upward class mobility within the imperial system. It is a transaction where individuals trade a period of service to the empire in exchange for a highly coveted bundle of social democracy: guaranteed healthcare, fully funded higher education, housing subsidies, and preferential hiring in state apparatuses.
Consequently, the political consciousness of the American veteran class is not defined by revolutionary potential, but by a perpetual cycle of grievance rooted in unfulfilled imperial promises. The material reality of the veteran experience is a chronic struggle against the bureaucratic failures of the state; such as the inefficiencies of the Department of Veterans Affairs, rather than an awakening to the systemic evils of imperialism. Their radicalism, when it exists, is almost exclusively reactionary. Veterans in the U.S are disproportionately represented within policing institutions, border enforcement, private military contracting, nationalist movements, and right-wing formations. So even when veterans become disillusioned, that disillusionment does not automatically produce anti-imperial consciousness; it is an anger that the state has broken its contract with them, demanding the compensation they feel they rightfully earned by subjugating the Global South. This grievance-based politics does not threaten the capitalist state; it is entirely siphoned back into the existing political apparatus. The veteran class is ritualistically invoked every four years by both bourgeois political parties as a symbolic prop to legitimize American nationalism, promised reform, and then promptly discarded until the next election cycle. Their primary collective orientation is the preservation of their unique benefits, which are directly funded by the value extracted from the very Global South populations American leftists order us not to alienate.
Furthermore, the leftist claim that the domestic movement requires the "military expertise" of veterans for a looming revolution is a fantasy untethered from material conditions.
What revolution exactly?
Where is this revolution supposed to occur?
Under what conditions?
Emerging from what mass base?
Against what degree of state legitimacy?
Following what economic rupture?
With what organizational infrastructure?
With what relationship to organized labor, racialized surplus populations, migrants, or the global south?
Under what conceivable circumstances is a synchronized, armed proletarian uprising manifesting within the heavily militarized, heavily surveilled heart of the global hegemon?
The United States lacks both the vanguard organization and the broad-based class consciousness required to orchestrate a structural overthrow of capital. By centering the veteran as an indispensable tactical asset, American leftists reveal a deeply romanticized, militaristic understanding of revolutionary change that prioritizes combat aesthetics over actual mass organizing.
The ultimate irony of this position lies in its profound historical and ongoing betrayal of internationalism. The very "military expertise" that Western leftists fetishize is a euphemism for the operational knowledge acquired by executing counter-insurgency warfare, drone strikes, and resource theft across the Global South. The American veteran class is expertly trained not to launch revolutions, but to systematically crush them wherever they emerge in the periphery. To demand that victims of U.S. imperialism suppress their rage under the guise of "Marxist discipline" so that Western leftists can hoard imperial managers for a hypothetical domestic uprising is a textbook display of social-chauvinism. It subordinates the real, material suffering of the global proletariat to the theoretical convenience of leftists residing safely within the metropole.
ml wombat core ^-^
people will describe their incredibly nebulous sexuality to you that they’ve never been able to define and the whole time you’re thinking that sounds like bisexuality brother