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@biksarddedrak
tumblring for these 6 people always in my notifications
Knight under Everything
@gabessquishytum
Who and why the fuck draw Julius Satinský as a knight???
i was training a young person at work, and she referred to sexual assault as "SA" out loud, and i immediately was like, "no, it's sexual assault, call it what it is," bc idgaf if the algorithm overlords have taught y'all that you should fear direct language, how tf do any of you expect to ever address real issues with any amount of seriousness if you can't even say the words? imagine an advocate looking a sexual assault survivor in the eyes and asking "did he grape you?" it's absolutely fucking absurd, but these young interns and new hires are coming into an environment where we deal with survivors of all different kinds of abuse, and they're coming with the mindset that the words are as bad as the actions, and that makes them shitty at the job and look juvenile af
i HATE self-censorship for a lot of reasons, but being in crisis work makes it even more frustrating. who are you censoring for? like i am being so fr, WHO are you censoring for? have you even thought it through? people who have been raped know that they have been raped. if someone attempts suicide or is grieving someone who did, saying "sewer slide" isn't going to protect them from any of the feelings. a murder victim's family isn't going to feel better bc you said "unalived" instead of murdered. if anything, it's just extremely invalidating and othering. it's saying "what happened to you is so bad that i won't even say the word," which is NOT trauma-informed care. you are not protecting survivors/victims when you self-censor. the ONLY things you protect when you self-censor are the puritanical ideologies that are being encouraged by rich fascists who want your money and obedience
say the fucking words, guys. just say the goddamn words before i go insane!!!
I mean, voting is litteraly the easiest form of political anyone can do and also the only form of political activism that most people will do.
What do you think of the people of Hungary voting out their fascist leader?
Hungary’s new leader is a pro-NATO freak. What do you think of my balls in your mouth?
this is Kim Ir Sen's knife. it's what my family calls the best knife my grandparents own: in 1968, a group of workers from North Korea came to Silesia and sold my grandfather this amazing knife, and in the name of glory of Kim Il Sung this is what the knife has been called since.
as a child I wasn't allowed anywhere near it - because it was Super Fucking Sharp. but in my mind, I wasn't allowed to touch Kim Il Sung's knife because I wasn't worthy of it. the vague idea of the Eternal President loomed over me since I was a wee babe. NOW. i am worthy
Lawrence of Arabia + blond men slander
Finally! I feel so vindicated to see some blond hate in the wild, so I am not the only delusional blond hater.
On A Grand Journey Trough Europe: Sigismund Of Luxembourg, The Council Of Constance And Slovak History
(author: Daniela Dvořáková)
The Council of Constance is perhaps the most famous council of the Middle Ages. It got its name from the quiet, previously little known town of Konstanz - Constance in English - at the banks of the Lake Constance in Germany. The council brought fame to the town, which for a couple of years (1414-1418) became the centre of the entire Europe.
***
At the behest of Sigismund of Luxembourg, the European political and religious elites gathered in Konstanz in order to solve the papal schism that had been ongoing since 1378. Sigismund played an role not only in its organization, but also it ending in success. The influence of the council on the intellectual life of Europe was immense. Participating at the council were envoys of all of the European kings, princes, cardinals, more than 300 bishops and high officials of the church, hundreds of doctors from various universities. Literati, poets, the most venerated scholars and humanists of this period were assembling there; some of them left with Sigismund for Hungary and continued to work at his court. Aside from intellectuals and artists, Sigismund also brought to his court very many artisans, builders, stonemasons, goldsmiths...
However, it wasn't only the new people who were coming to Hungary; likewise, those that had departed from it several years or months ago were returning. As it happens, king Sigismund was accompanied on the way to Konstanz by hundreds of noblemen from the Kingdom of Hungary. Represented in his entourage were the members of nearly all of the magnate families and their familiares and servants. These then returned home, full of memmories and experiences, new impressions and knowledge...
The most valuable testimony concerning the Council of Constance was passed down to us from the local patrician Ulrich Richental, who wrote a chronicle about the event after the council ended. As a basis, he used his own notes, but also sources he was able to reach thanks to his personal connections. In a matter-of-fact way, he talked of his own observations concerning the everyday life in town over the course of the council, of things he had seen, heard or learned directly from those that attended the council. He wrote the chronicle at some later date, perhaps in the 1420s or early 1430s, which could explain many of the inaccuracies. The Ulrich Richental chronicle is an important source for the history of Slovakia too. Although it seemingly talks of distant events and places, this is not the case. Not only because it is full of interesting information which bring us closer to many aspects of everyday life at the time, especially in the religious sphere, because it provides us with practical examples of the economic mindset and commercial life of a medieval town (development of prices, goods on the market etc.), because it brings valuable insight in terms of research of the rituals and festivities, or because it is very telling of the status of the monarch, as well as the hierarchy in the medieval society, but not the least also because it contains a relatively high number of mentions of council attendees who had come as part of Sigismund's entourage from the Kingdom of Hungary, and thus also from the territory of today's Slovakia.
SLOVAKIA IN THE ULRICH RICHENTAL CHRONICLE But that's not all. Slovakia is directly mentioned in the chronicle, giving it an exceptional importance for Slovak history. That's because it clearly and indisputably demonstrates that in the 15th century, the name Slovakia was used for the territory of today's Slovakia, and that this conception was perceived as separate and distinct in the context of the Kingdom of Hungary.
The Ulrich Richental chronicle mentions Slovakia more than once. Most often in relation to the arrival of Hungarian noblemen. For example, it mentions Stibor, "a lord in Slovak lands (in Windeschen landen) between Moravia and Poland, near a river they call Váh, and on that river it has five towns: Trenčín, Beckov, Uherský Brod, Holíč with Skalica and Hlohovec". In the very next chapter, the arrival of Peter the Czech of Šarovce (in literature, he is more well known under the predicate "of Levice") is noted, whose seat was "in the Slovak lands (in Windeschen landen)" and who is the lord of Breznica and Koppelstein. Peter the Czech is also mentioned one more time in the heraldic portion of the Chronicle, where his coat of arms is also depicted; there, he's even named "Peter the Czech of Šarovce of Slovakia (usser Windenland), lord of Topoľčany".
Likewise noteworthy is another mention of Slovakia. It's related to the diocese of the Esztergom archbishop János Kaniszai: in the words of the chronicler, his bishopric and ordaining bishops have their seat in the Slovak lands (in Windeschen landen). And since the Archdiocese of Esztergom is basically identical to the territory of Slovakia, there is no doubt that Slovakia is what's meant by Richental's "Windischen landen" or "Windenland". The Konstanz chronicler mentions "Slovak lands" one more time, while describing Sigismund's route from Konstanz: "The king went from Germany to Bohemia, Moravia and from there trough the city of Bratislava and Slovakia to Wrocław."
If we wanted to be more exact, the phrase "Windischen landen" could perhaps also be translated as "Slavic lands", because the German word "Winden" meant Slavs as a whole. However, for the 15th century and in the context in which Richental used it, it is certainly more accurate to used the term "Slovak", "Slovakia". The perception of Slovakia (originally the Principality of Nitra) as a distinct ethnic division persisted troughout the entirety of the Middle Ages, even when it became a part of another (Hungarian) state. Although the former borders ceased to exist and the territory of Slovakia never made up a distinct regional or administrative unit within medieval Kingdom of Hungary, nonetheless - which Ulrich Richental also testifies to - the acknowledgement of its differences from the ethnically defined Hungary had survived. We encounter this phenomenon in the sources for the entirety of the Middle Ages. Let's choose a representative example from the first half of the 15th century: in a letter to the Esztergom chapterhouse, dated to the Strečno Castle, Hungarian nobleman Pongrác Szentmiklósi threatened reprisal should the toll collectors at the properties of the chapter demand payments from his people, who would go "versus partes Hungariae". We could name more examples like this, including a Slovak note from the 16th century, where a journey of a gentryman to "Hungary" is mentioned in Boca [1] in the Liptov region.
RICHENTAL'S UNFLATTERING TESTIMONY ABOUT THE HUNGARIANS However, let's go back to Konstanz. How did the Konstanz chronicler view Hungarians in the entourage of king Sigismund? We know that members of nearly all of the magnate houses were represented in the king and queen's circle. Each of them brought their own entourage to Konstanz. The more notable the lord, the more plentiful his entourage. For instance, the archbishop of Esztergom arrived in the town accompanied by 160 horsemen (each of these then had his own servants). What's interesting is that Richental describes each particular Hungarian lord with respect, but the moment he speaks of the Hungarians in general, he changes his tone and provides the reader with a markedly distorted view filled with prejudices. He describes people from the distant, even a bit exotic country almost as dangerous barbarians.
If Richental is to be believed, three days after his arrival in Konstanz, the king was forced to relocate to the Peterhausen Abbey outside the city, and the reason for this was that due to their restless nature, the Hungarians couldn't stay in town, as "everywhere they treated the people poorly and thought that they could behave here as they would in their own country". They didn't behave themselves any better in Peterhausen, either, however the inhabitants were capable of pacifying them. In the Aulendorf manuscript of Richental's chronicle, which is considered to be the earliest and closest to the original, there is one more mention of the Hungarians' stay in Peterhausen: among the king's attendants who had lodgings in the monastery, Hungarians, Wallachians, Slavs and other bad people, unrest soon broke out, they were stealing each other's saddles, stirrups and so on. The king ordered that all of the thieves be drowned, however the town council showed magnanimity. It punished only the most serious crimes with death, sending the rest of them home over the mountains, often without the king's knowledge (as far as Richental knew, "only" 22 people were executed troughout the entire duration of the council). A slight distaste can also be detected in Richental's telling of how the Hungarians were cutting wood in the forests belonging to the abbott of Peterhausen, although the ruler was entitled to request wood from any abbey in the country, besides, the abbot ended up selling the wood to the king and his Hungarian courtiers.
Illustrative in this context is also the chronicler's fable of how Sigismund bestowed fiefs upon his Hungarian subjects. Everyone who accepted a fiefdom from the king was, according to Richental, expected to give him something in return: sheep, chickens, peacocks, eggs, wax or other small gifts. This tale is also difficult to believe, if for no other reason than because a fief system in a true sense did not exist in Hungary. It is hard to tell what kind of situation did Richental witness (and had it drawn for him) - likely an audience for the envoys of some town in front of king Sigismund. The image of one of the Hungarian magnates, who had received a donation in Konstanz, laying eggs at the monarch's feet is pure fantasy from the Konstanz chronicler. Among the mentions of Hungarian attendees of the council could also be counted the chronicler's telling of how Sigimund's courtiers left Konstanz without paying off their debts, or how they were stuck against their will in Ulm, where they were forced to sell off all of their horses and armor in order to pay their debts.
As we've said, whenever Richental speaks of a particular Hungarian lord, he does so without disrespect and emotional bias, which is apparent from his telling when he speaks of Hungarians in general. The chronicle is thus also a valuable testimony on the mentality of a medieval man, on the way he perceived a different cultural enviroment, on his distrust, even aversion towards all that is "foreign" and thus unknown. However, we can encounter feelings of distrust, disdain or mockery towards the people of different nations in the entire Europe. Nations were attributed various generalized negative traits, which became their characteristics: wild and untamed Hungarians, haughty and effeminate Frenchmen, rough and lecherous Germans and so on. Hungarian noblemen also perceived foreigners in a similar vein. However, so that we don't stray too far for our examples, let's peak into a letter from István Rozgonyi, one of the Hungarian attendees of the Council of Constance, who also accompanied king Sigismund while he traveled trough Western Europe. In a letter dated to Paris 1446 and adressed to a relative in Hungary, he also expressed his unflattering view of the French: "I've never seen people of such uncivilized manners as in these lands." The same would many French undoubtedly say of the Hungarians.
SIGISMUND'S COURTIERS TRAVELING TROUGH EUROPE Not only István Rozgonyi, but also hundreds of other Hungarian noblemen had the opportunity to travel trough the large portion of Western Europe and get to know "different customs". Many of them thus could've seen Lausanne, Narbonne, Perpignan, Paris, Avignon, Lyon, London and many other famous cities. This is because as early the August 1415, Sigismund departed Konstanz. He had two goals ahead of him: to force the rebellious pope Benedict XIII. to abdicate and to mediate a peace in the Hundred Years' War between France and England. Sigismund's itinerary from this period shows the king's unbelievable busyness. His journey first headed to Perpignan in southern France. He requested salvus conductus (which was a sort of medieval entry visa and simulteneously also a letter of protection for high-born travelers) from the king of Aragon for 400 horsemen, later asking the same for 1500 horsemen. In Perpignan, Sigismund met up with king Ferdinand I. of Aragon, as well as pope Benedict XIII. However, he departed the town two weeks later and left for Narbonne, from which he continued to Paris. On the way, he stopped by in Avignon and Lyon.
King Sigismund arrived in Paris in early March 1416 with his entourage of, according to a chronicler's testimony, around a thousand members. He stayed in the city for more than a month. His stay was reported on by multiple French chroniclers, who described the king's arrival in Paris, his accomodations in Louvre, as well as various details from his stay. The chroniclers also mention Sigismund's pasttimes during his time in Paris: he visited royal palaces in the surrounding area, spent ten days in the famous Saint-Denis Abbey, he participated on a hunt with the French king, who was recovering from an illness, he was given marvelous gifts by the king of France, the queen and the duke of Berry. However, Sigismund himself did not let himself be put into shame. As a lover of beautiful women, he invited to Louvre French ladies and maidens, noblewomen from the royal court, as well as prominent female burghers, and provided them with a lavish feast and gifts. When they stood in front of him at the end of the feast in order to say their goodbyes, he gifted some piece of jewelry to each, rubies, saphires, emeralds and diamonds.
The chronicler then added that the feast was accompanied by the sounds of lovely music and wondrous voices of the singers. This tale was also described by other chroniclers, of which one could not stop himself from a minor bout of cattiness: he noted that, more accurately, king Sigismund invited to the feast 120 notable ladies and maidens and organized it with much pomp according to the customs of his country. Served at the feast were ragout and a strongly spiced sauce. However, very few were able to consume it, so much spices were used in it. The chronicler mentioned the gifts for the ladies too; they were allegedly golden rings and golden rods, however according to him these were not of very high value. The chroniclers mentioned that Sigismund admired the skill of Parisian artisans, three hundred of whom he hired and sent to Hungary, so that they could teach local masters.
Sigismund and his entourage left Paris for England - on the 1st of May 1416, the king's 300 ships landed in Dover. Sigismund stayed on the island up until the end of October, he visited Canterbury, London, Windsor, Westminster and other places. For the sake of thoroughness, it needs to be said that he did not accomplish his mission to mediate a peace deal between England and France. He thus went back to Konstanz, where he arrived at the end of January 1417.
Who made up the thousand-headed royal entourage mentioned by the chroniclers? Which Hungarian aristocrats could afford to travel to and fro troughout Europe with the king? Which of Hungarian noblemen left their families and holdings for entire months, even years and thought nothing of spending not insignificant sums of money in order to accompany their king? And which ones had stayed in Konstanz in order to await the monarch's return? These questions can be answered only partially. Any attempt to precisely reconstruct the Hungarian members of the royal entourage runs into certain limitations. For one thing - this group was changing constantly. Very few stayed at the monarch's side with no interruption since the departure from Hungary in autumn 1412 up until his return to the country in February 1419. The data are thus very patchy and approximate. We often know with some degree of certainty who, but we don't know when and for how long they've been with the king in Konstanz or elsewhere. The only exceptions would be the most notable members of his entourage, high functionaries and diplomats.
TRAVELING DIPLOMATS One of the most prominent diplomats and advisors in king Sigismund's circle, who accompanied him on nearly all journeys at the time the council took place, was the palatine Miklós Garai. Miklós also went with the monarch to France and England - in both cases, he traveled ahead of him in order to secure his stay. In Paris, Sigismund bestowed a grant of arms, in which he expanded his coat of arms with a golden crown, upon Miklós. On the same day, king Charles VI. of France also issued him an identical grant of arms. It was a show of appreciation towards Miklós' work as a diplomat. Sigismund truly couldn't have picked a better "ambasiator" to the king of France. The house of Garai had been very close to the French royal court for decades, the palatine's father Miklós II. was many years prior even named a member of his royal council by Charles VI.
Miklós Garai is also mentioned by several English chroniclers. One of them called him a prince [2] and noted how, during the holiday mass on the Saint George's Day in St George's Chapel in Windsor, he sat right next to the king of England. Sigismund sent Miklós from England back to Paris in order to continue negotiating the Anglo-French peace treaty. However, these negotiations failed and Miklós returned to Konstanz.
Exceptional honors, which also outwardly manifested as the aforementioned seating of a Hungarian magnate by the side of the king of England, were likewise bestowed on another Hungarian nobleman - János Perényi, although in a different form. As it happens, he is the only Hungarian nobleman to have in his coat of arms the insignia of the English royal house of Lancaster: a so-called "S-shaped" chain wrapped around the shield, as can be seen on his tombstone, which has survived to this day in the parish church in Trebišov. This insignia could've only been bestowed by the king Henry V. himself or by a member of the royal dynasty, and was a high honor. However, at the time, János was merely a young courtier at the start of his career, so it cannot be presumed that he would've played a more notable role in diplomatic service to the king at the time of the council (and he basically didn't play it even later). It is thus much more likely that the Lancaster insignia, and so the right to add it to his coat of arms, was earned by his father Imre Perényi, who, as Sigismund's privy chancellor, had for many years been one of the key figures of the monarch's foreign and domestic policy. We'll probably never learn the exact circumstances of the Perényis being awarded the Lancaster chain - it could've been given, at Sigismund's behest, to his son during the latter's stay in England, as he provably had been there, but as a sign of appreciation for the accolades of the father. It's not impossible, even, that it was awarded to the son himself, but certainly not as a reward for long-time diplomatic work.
Imre Perényi is undoubtedly an interesting figure at Sigismund's court, so he deserves that we dwell on him for little bit. He came from the Trebišov branch of the Perényi family and in Sigismund's service, he had gotten as far as the rank of a privy chancellor. It is interesting to note that Imre was the first lay person holding this office. He also achieved the status of a pioneer among the secular magnates of Hungary trough his education - in 1384, he studied at the university of Prague, which was rare, as at the time, the majority of Hungarian lords were still illiterate. He became one of the founding members of the Order of the Dragon and a notable diplomat.
Sigismund entrusted Imre predominantly with "exotic" missions. During one such mission (likely into Asia Minor), he fell into captivity, which he managed to escape under dramatic circumstances. In 1407, he led an envoy to one of the sons of the Ottoman sultan Bayezit I., the entire mission lasting several months. In November 1414, Imre accompanied king Sigismund to the coronation in Aachen and from there likely also to Konstanz, perhaps even to France and England. He died shortly after returning to Hungary, probably as a result of an illness suffered on the road.
Another notable figure of the time would be Peter the Czech of Levice. At the time the council took place, Peter the Czech was relatively young, only just over thirty, but he already had under his belt a successful career - he was the royal Master of the Horse (Marshal of the Court) and the comes of several counties. He too was, much like the magnates mentioned above, one of the founding members of the Order of the Dragon, which is a testament to the fact that that he belonged to the closest circle of the royal courtiers and reached a high level of royal favor. In 1413, Peter accompanied the king to Italy. He did not leave Italy for Konstanz with the king, instead returning to Hungary in order to obtain funds for planned further travel. In this context, it is interesting that he wasn't getting ready only for the journey to Germany, but from the first he also planned to travel trough other countries. This can be demonstrated trough documents meant to secure his journey. In June 1414, the palatine issued a document in which he postponed some sort of a court case of his, because Peter was going to go to various kingdoms and countries for the "training in knightly arts".
In Konstanz, Peter then obtained a Geleitbrief (letter of transit) from the pope, as well as king Sigismund. In these, it is emphasized that Peter the Czech of Levice "finding that the knighthood is the man's mission on Earth, has decided to travel to distant lands in order to get a taste for the peculiarities of nations and languages, as well as their customs and way of life." And this was a curious transformation. Among the Hungarian noblemen, famed for their conservativism and hatred of all that is foreign or different, started to appear people who viewed the diversity of nations with tolerance and curiosity, even thought of learning about different nations as a route to their own betterment. Credit for this belongs partially to Sigismund of Luxemburg, whose ambitious policies opened Hungary to Europe.
[1] - presumably either Vyšná Boca or Nižná Boca
[2] - Slovak has two words translated into English as prince: princ (generally used in a more common sense "son or other male-line relative of the king") and knieža (either a ruling prince or a high-ranking aristocrat; used for ex. on grand prince Géza or ancient Slavic rulers like Svätopluk or grand princes of Kyivan Rus'). Here, the latter is used.
Mining Industry In Slovakia In The Medieval And Early Modern Era
(author: Marián Skladaný)
The endless issues of our current economy have their roots in a single massive issue, which is the lacking resource base [1]. Our national economy is reliant on the import of basic goods.
***
It's not because the God would've done us so wrong and not bless us with more mineral resources. In the past, this was not the case, our country was an important resource base for the entirety of Europe. However, over the centuries, our mineral resources have been depleted and today all we can do is reminscence about them.
MINING INDUSTRY ON SLOVAK TERRITORY If we projected the now so frequently used slogan about "increasing the visibility of Slovakia" back to the past and raised the question of what could've contributed the most to the visibility of Slovakia in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, there would be only one possible answer - the Slovak mining industry. As we historically lacked statehood and could only achieve fame trough the relatively anonymous work of our ancestors, mining was the only area in which Slovakia and its inhabitants contributed the most to the common European history. Up until the era of anti-Turkish wars, when the European public started to, for the very first time, closely follow the events in our Central European region, as it was here that, for the longest time, the military border between the Christian Europe and the expanding Ottoman Empire had stabilized, our country had been attracting the attention of the rest of Europe primarily trough its mineral wealth. There was a search for the origins of Hungarian gold, silver and copper, the three precious metals that were becoming strategic goods since the Late Middle Ages.
Three of the seven mining towns of central Slovakia - Kremnica, Banská Bystrica and Banská Štiavnica, became, in the opposite order from their age, well-known in the entire Europe, even outside of it. Kremnica in the 14th and 15th century trough its gold ducats, which were for their value considered to be among the most prized and sought after gold coins in all of the centres of European commerce. They were literally the "hard currency" of Europe at the time. In the late 15th and 16th century, Banská Bystrica became known for its copper, which traveled for hundreds of kilometres into the centres of the metalworking industry and, transformed into goods, continued further on land and sea into the furthest reaches of the then-known world. The spreading of the fame of Slovak mining industry was finalized in the 17th and 18th century by Banská Štiavnica trough wide-scale silver production, highly developed mining technology and a mining academy, the oldest in the world, whose alumni worked as notable mining engineers in many a mining territory in Europe and overseas alike. And the history of mining in Spiš and Gemer (the production of silver, copper and iron) is if anything even more ancient and potentially more historically significant, though so far unexplored.
However, the source material, preserved in fragments in our domestic archives, doesn't let us sketch a more well-defined picture of the history of Slovak mining in the medieval period. We can, to some extent, use the data from foreign archives as aid, but even those only relate to copper, because precious metals - gold and silver, were subject to a royal prerogative and their free export from Hungary, as well as trading them were officially prohibited. With copper, it is also the case that before the 1490s, we have in our sources almost none of the complex data concerning the volume of its production or other economic, social and technological aspects of the mining and metalurgic industry. That copper had been mined in our lands since deep into the Middle Ages has been attested trough documentation preserved in archives outside our country.
If we were more knowledgeable on the history of our mining industry and knew even what cannot be found out trough hard numbers, we'd certainly marvel at what the bowels of our mountains gave to Europe and the world from prehistoric times to the Modern Era. This is particularly true of Slovak gold. Not only because it is the most valuable of the three aforementioned precious metals, but also in regards to the exceptional historical importance of gold mining in Slovakia.
HUNGARIAN GOLD In the Middle Ages, Hungary was the only country in Europe in which gold was mined to any significant degree. So much of it was mined that it surpassed the domestic demand and it became possible to export it. As it happens, troughout the entirety of the Middle Ages, Europe suffered from a lack of gold, importing it from Africa trough Arab merchants. The only upside was that before the 13th century, silver was used as the metal for coinage troughout Europe (with the exception of the Byzantine Empire). When gold coinage began to be implemented gradually from the 13th century onwards, Hungarian gold started to be of interest. Hungarian kings from the Neapolitan house of Anjou were able to capitalize on it. On top of that, this was in a period when, following the end of the Crusades, the imports of gold from outside Europe decreased due to the trade between the Christian and the Muslim worlds becoming limited. The fall of Akkon, the final Crusader bastion, in 1291 and the unsuccessful planning of a new Crusade led to any and all trade with the Muslims and the import of goods from Egypt and Syria being prohibited by pope Clement V. in 1308 and by the Council of Vienne in 1311. The value of gold as a scarce metal was growing, which was reflected in the ratio between the values of gold and silver in the earlier decades of the 14th century. On short notice, the ratio between gold and silver drastically changed from 1:10 to 1:20 and higher in favor of gold. This was capitalized on by Charles Robert when he started to mint a Hungarian gold coin modeled on the Florentine "fiorino d'oro" (1252), first in 1325 in Buda, then in 1335 at the latest also in Kremnica. Kremnica remained the only mint, besides Buda (before 1470), Baia Mare and Sibiu, in which this gold coin (later also called a ducat after the Venetian gold coinage) was minted without interruption until as late as the 20th century. Thanks to its purity and stability, the Kremnica ducat became a sought after gold coin, and it could be considered a "hard currency of medieval Europe". At the same time, the Hungarian gold coin was fulfilling the role of the "global trading coin" in the international trade. In the wider territory of the Central Europe (Austria, southern Germany, Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Poland, Prussia, but also further on), the Hungarian gold coin was used in faraway (international) trade, but also for larger payments. Even internationally, it was known as "ongaro". In states where the local quality gold coin was being protected (such as Florence, but also Lyon), only the Hungarian gold ducat was occassionally accepted. It retained its possition up until the mid-16th century, because it was only then that the consequences of the flood of gold and silver from the newly discovered countries, especially from America and Africa, into Europe began to more noticeably manifest themselves.
By a sheer coincidence, this was the period of revolutionary economic change as a result of the developement of financial ties, gradually percolating from the economic sphere into all of the other spheres of life in the society. In the conditions of developed financial ties, the need for money grew. Large financial transactions in international trade couldn't be realized trough small silver coins. Either the payments were in weights of silver, or a larger silver coin - the grosch (from grossus) came into circulation. The pooling together of funds and their binding into a common enterprise led to the emergence of the early capitalist business companies. The arguments between researchers of economic history about where the initial or original accumulation of capital took place ended up leading to the quite convincing conclusion that it wasn't wide-scale landholding, but the early capitalist businesses of the burghers and their investments in the mining industry. In a period of a general need for money ("pecunia nervus belli" - the money are the nerve of war), monetary crisis was typical for the Late Middle Ages and the escape from it was, among other things, gold coinage. Hungarian gold and the main product of mining and minting in Kremnica - the Kremnica gold ducat - also participated in these economic processes to a significant extent.
How Hungary was, thanks to its wealth of gold and silver, able to influence these processes in Europe can best be demonstrated trough an episode passed down to us by magister János of Šarišské Sokolovce, the chronicler of king Louis the Great of Hungary. When in 1343, the queen mother Elizabeth departed with a massive entourage to Italy in order to secure the crown of the Kingdom of Naples for her son Andrew, she was bringing with her 27 000 grzywnas of soft silver, 21 000 grzywnas of pure gold and half a šafeľ (gbel, modius [2]?) of gold ducats "to cover the expenses", which amounted to 7560 kg of silver and 5880 kg of gold. The sum of "half a štafeľ" of ducats is difficult to count. Even without it, this would be, translated into money, 1 449 000 ducats. At the time, 5880 kg equaled the gold production in Hungary over the course of five or six years or even the worldwide production over the course of two years.
Such enormous amounts of a precious metal, which at a single stroke came into circulation outside the Hungarian borders, couldn't not affect the European economy of the era. Multiple historians and experts on the issue of finance count this fact among the reasons for why it is the 1340s when the aforemention gold crisis ended in Europe. Hungary initially profited from it trough its gold and silver production, until it itself contributed to its overcoming.
THURZO-FUGGER BUSINESS Gold, and the Kremnica gold in particullar, brought to Hungary several foreign business companies. This was also the case with the Thurzós and the Fuggers. The Thurzós and the Fuggers, more precisely János Thurzó (1437-1508) and Jakob Fugger the Rich (1459-1525) built a world-famous copperworking company in Banská Bystrica. It produced, apart from copper, also silver. Its technological principle was the processing of the previously unused sources of the so-called black copper, containing silver. Since as early as 1469, János Thurzó was trying to find a way to obtain, trough metalurgic means (in large-capacity metalworking facilities), silver from the Banská Bystrica black copper and Olkusz lead, which contain it. After failing in 1475, he only appeared in the mining towns of central Slovakia sometime in the late 1480s. The first written record from Banská Bystrica which includes him comes from 1493, but we have an even older one from Kremnica. On the 26th of February 1492, we encounter János Thurzó as a creditor of Filip Hüb, burgher and town councillor from Kremnica.
János Thurzó was, from the word go, likely going after the Kremnica gold and precious metals mined in the Central Slovak mining region in general. The path to them was shown to him by the mining and minting chamber [3] of Kremnica, which had the entire gold and silver production of the mining towns in central Slovakia handed to it on a regular basis. However, as a foreigner (burgher and alderman of a royal free city), he couldn't go straight to the point. The situation at the time likewise wouldn't allow it, as following the death of Matthias Corvinus, there were the ongoing protracted conflicts over the inheritance of queen dowager Beatrice of Aragon. However, his patient efforts did end in success. In 1498, we now encounter János Thurzó as a comes camerae [4] of Kremnica. In this office, he, along with the town of Kremnica, shared the operation of some sort of mining mechanism (die Kunst), which he first put to work in 25th of June 1498.
Gold and silver were subject to a royal prerogative, which means that even in the office of comes camerae, Thurzó didn't have the precious metals freely at his disposal. He basically held the Kremnica chamber as a collateral for a loan he provided to the king. However, it was of massive importance for the Kremnica copper company and the Thurzó-Fugger business firm, as it ensured their unassailable possition in the mining towns of central Slovakia. It also enabled them to have an easier access to precious metals. János supplied high amounts of gold and silver for the royal treasury and mints in Poland. He was also on a lookout for other sources of precious metals, as can be gleaned from the adventure he embarked on as an already 68-year old senior citizen, when he took up the draining of the flooded mines in Nagybányi. He aimed to pass forward the experiences in this area to György Thurzó (1467-1521), his son and successor in the leadership of the Thurzó-Fugger firm. They've been preserved in the form of the so-called Münich Thurzó Codex.
The Münich Thurzó Codex (der Müncher Thurzo-Kodex) is "from Münich", because it is stored in the Bavarian State Library in Münich. It's a handwritten codex, written on paper. It consists of 210 sheets of paper in folio form, of which only 163 is written on, bound in brown pork skin, richly decorated with embossing. This decoration includes a combination of the five-petal Thurzó rose and the Fugger lily. The codex consists of two parts - legal (80 sheets) and technological (approximately another 80 sheets). The legal portion contains the legal relicts from Jihlava (town and mining law), since the mining towns of central Slovakia based their mining law on the Jihlava one. The legal portion also contains six decrees of a court of law (original legal sources) originating from Slovakia. The entire second half of the Thurzó Codex is made up of, under the common desgination "Münzmeisterkunst", rare, until then completely unused technological, metalurgic and financial-economic instructions for the master minter of Kremnica.
This gorgeous handwritten codex was created in the early 16th century in Slovakia, likely in Kremnica or Banská Bystrica. János Thurzó had it made as teaching material (instruction) for his son Györgyi, who was supposed to continue leading the firm after the death of his father. It's interesting that although at the time the codex was created, the town and mining law of Banská Štiavnica had already been put into writing, János Thurzó had the Jihlava town and mining law written down as the basic legal norm for his son György. From this, we could surmise that he knew more about the origins of the Banská Štiavnica mining law than certain historians, who were in the mid-20th century still denying the Jihlava origin of the mining law of Banská Štiavnica and were proclaiming the opposite, that the mining law of Jihlava has had its origin in Banská Štiavnica.
RELATIONS BETWEEN MINING TOWNS The subsequent six sentences from a court of law were probably supposed to serve as models for solving equivalent judicial matters in the mining sphere. Aside from the document concerning a lease on a hereditary adit in Nová Báňa from 1383, all the rest of the documents come from the enviroment of the mining industry in Spiš and Gemer. Among these are also the so-called Košice Statutes of the free mining towns from 1487. "Košice Statutes", because it was in Košice where on the 26th and 27th of December 1487 gathered the representatives from Gelnica, Smolník, Rudabánya, Telkibánya, Jasov, Rožňava and Spišská Nová Ves in order to agree on commonly maintaining the Gelnica mining law and on the processes in the appellate judiciary. They drafted common statutes, which were then written into the town books. According to these statutes, the highest appellate institution, when it came to the decisions of local courts in matters pertainting to mining, became the miners' court in Gelnica, which consisted, apart from the people from Gelnica, also from the representantives of the other cities. This act is considered to be the foundation of the Union of the Mining Towns of Upper Hungary (eastern Slovakia).
This 1487 "Christmas gathering" of theirs was also used by the mining towns of Spiš and Gemer to issue their first court sentence. On the 28th of December 1487, the resolution of a conflict between the mining towns and Martin Thurzó of Levoča was negotiated, with Pál Dorholcz, the mayor of Košice, as an intermediary. What sort of a feud had been put to rest by this resolution (concordia) is not entirely clear, because the notes only speak of insults of some sort from Martin Thurzó, a councillor from Levoča. However, the 300 gold pieces, the height of the fine for breeching this agreement, clearly attest to the strong investment of both parties in mutual peacemaking. For Martin Thurzó, the renewal of good relations with the mining towns was at the time very important. It was related to the activities of the Thurzó enterprise in the mining industry of Spiš and Gemer, but simultaneously also to the project of building a large copperworking company, which was being prepared by Martin's brother, a Kraków burgher János Thurzó.
Metercia, the famous altarpiece in the episcopal cathedral in Rožňava, which in a realistic manner and with an exceptionally developed sense for detail captures the technology of the local mining and metalurgical industry, leaves no space for doubt that at the time the painting was made (it dates to 1513), mining must've played a very important role in the town of Rožňava. The abundance in mining in Rožňava was based on the production of silver, gold and copper. It reached the apex of its development at the turn of the 15th/16th century, precisely because of the profitable mining of these metals. Thus, we could rightfully call this period the golden age of the Rožňava mines. It became an attractive example for the following generations, but for the entire feudal era, they wouldn't manage to match it.
It is in this enviroment that the Thurzó trading house from Levoča, which is tied to the "golden age" of copper mining in Slovakia, began its direct involvement in the mining business. János Thurzó built his world-famous copperworking company, based on the de-silvering of the so-called black copper, in Banská Bystrica. Initially, he counted on his old business partners from Goslar - Martin Bauer from Leipzig and Ulrich Schütz from Chemnitz. In Thurzó's copperworks in Mogila near Kraków, rich copper was to be prepared, trough enriching molten matter [5], for the sifting process, and in the Schütz sifting metalworks in Chemnitz, silver was to be separated out of it. It was no mere coincidence that at the same time, the Thurzós were also correcting their relations with the mining towns of Spiš and Gemer. In this process, they were also looking out for order in mutual relations between these towns, which must've been contributed to by the creation of the Union of the Seven Mining Towns of Spiš and Gemer under the leadership of Gelnica, where the Thurzó family were the biggest mine owners and held influence there to match. If the initiative from the Thurzós - Martin Thurzó from Levoča and János Thurzó from Kraków - wasn't behind this, it certainly must've happened with their knowledge and approval.
In the end, the things nonetheless developed in a different direction. When the opportunity to join forces with the Fuggers presented itself to János Thurzó, he preferred a stronger partner in terms of capital, who on top of that was able to secure regular demand for the massive amounts of copper on the European market. János Thurzó with his son György began to build the copperworking company in Banská Bystrica in 1494-1495 jointly with the Fuggers of Augsburg.
WORLD-CLASS MINING INDUSTRY Since the Middle Ages, the rich mineral resources of Slovakia had been attracting the interest of foreign merchant capital, which was seeking pathways towards accessing the sources of Hungarian gold, silver and copper. The most common pathway was leasing the royal revenue from mining and minting coins as compensation for a loan provided to the royal treasury. From the 14th century at the latest, the representatives of Italian and Hanseatic merchant houses and companies were working towards this goal. Arrival of the Fugger financial capital into Slovak mining and Hungarian economy in the mid-1490s had completely different dimensions and modern forms in a truest sense.
Thanks to the lucky union of the Augsburg Fuggers and the Kraków-Levoča Thurzós, the two merchant houses, both of which were extremely significant at their own level and in their own sphere of influence, the merchant and business company Ungarischer Handel was born in 1495. For the entire period of its existence (in 1495 to 1525 as a joint Thurzó-Fugger venture, while in 1526 to 1546 as a solely Fugger one), it played a key role on the "global copper market" of the times. It's generally considered to be a prototype of an early capitalist business company, the symbol of the era of the so-called German Frühkapitalismus, for which the economic history of Europe also coined the synonymous term "the Fugger Era" (das Zeitalter der Fugger). Even more intense interest from the historians and economists has been aroused by the economic base of this business company - the Banská Bystrica copper company, which was, trough its metalworking workshops, the organization of transport and sale, the web of factories and warehouses, double-entry bookkeeping and so on the largest and most modern early capitalist company of its era in the European mining industry.
The copperworking company of the Thurzós and Fuggers in Banská Bystrica (der Neusohler Kupferhandel) was the most glorious chapter in the history of copperworking in Slovakia. On the one hand, it opened the door to the world for the Banská Bystrica copper to a previously unprecedented extent, then, it represented a previously unseen concentration of metalworking industry, required the implementation of various metalworking processes at a scale, in large capacity, literally industrial level metalworking facilities, and lastly due to the fact that when it came to the horizontal and vertical concentration of industry (beginning with the mining of copper ore and ending with the sale of copper items at the world markets), it had in its own time no equal. Trough various technological innovations, it contributed to a significant extent to the further development of copperworking in the wider European framework.
[1] - note that the author isn't an economist, so take his analysis with a grain of salt, also the article is from 2012, and a lot has changed since then, so you know
[2] - šafeľ and gbel were used in the original text, modius is an approximation of Slovak "merica"
[3] - the organ with the authority over the mining industry in medieval Hungary
[4] - the head of the mining chamber; at the time, a post that could be bought for a period of time
[5] - the Slovak technical term is "šplajsovanie"
Dvadsaťročný s päťdesiatimi rokmi skúsenosti
Kvíz ak chcete (je od časopisu EMMA #nesponzorované, kvíz je ľahký nebudem klamať, i keď o Remoske som ta počul prvý raz)
...tyvole
Prisahám, nie som taká stará. Len si hmlisto pamätám deväťdesiatky. Presne viem, kedy u nás vyšli pogy z módy (v roku 2004). Takže nie som až taká stará. Ale som stará.
*zošúverenú tvár ovlaží jediná slzička*
LENIN JUMPSCARE!!!
"Both parents have a right to decide whether to end a pregnancy or not." "It's his baby too."
Nah. Not your uterus, not your decision. End of discussion.
Medieval University - Great Miracle Of The "Little Renaissance": Students Of Slovak Origin On European Universities
(author: Katarína Štulrajterová)
The rise of universities was closely tied to the climate, economic and social changes at the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century. Their effect on culture and education was so massive that this periods is sometimes also refered to as little renaissance.
***
Favourable climatic conditions, along with more effective plowing methods, led to the rise of agricultural surplus, which stimulated specialization in the crafts and the transition from barter into monetary trade. At the end of the day, these factors secured the economic and cultural development of the cities.
Alongside highly specialized artisans appeared a new type of specialist - the intellectual. Cities were in need of doctors, lawyers, accountants, teachers. The nobility and the church likewise welcomed educated professionals into their service. Among other things, the church needed to formulate and communicate their doctrinal theses more persuasively, since the community of believers had been expanded by the more demanding urban population. The church was well aware that the inability to react to the new trends was becoming increasingly dangerous, which was also underscored by the many heretical movements that were arising, dissatisfied with the lax stance of the church towards traditional christian values.
Nothing could've been a better answer to the requirements of the era than the university. As the artisans gathered into guilds, the students and professors likewise gathered into their own organizations - universitas. Medieval universities usually arose in three ways. The first one was the so-called spontaneous path, as was the case with Paris, Bologna or Oxford, when the presence of a preeminent scholar attracted students and the city hall promptly, though not without an ulterior motive supported the development of a university. This path was typical for the 12th century. The second option was secession or migration. The students together with the professors left the city that hosted the university, often in protest against the overly authoritative policies of the city council, and found home in another city, which offered them better conditions. This mechanism has been attested in the case of many universities founded in the 13th century, one should only recall the case of the University of Cambridge, which was founded by students and professors from Oxford. The third option was trough a papal or imperial decree. Frederick II. of the Hohenstaufen dynasty founded the University of Naples in 1224. On the other hand, pope Gregory IX. founded the University of Toulouse and Innocent IV. founded one in Rome.
THE UNIVERSITY OF PADUA It sprang up in 1222. It was founded by the students and professors who, in protest against the city government of Bologna, which was violating their priviledges, left Bologna and settled in Padua. These were, for the most part, lawyers, and they founded their "Universitas iuristarum", from which the current widely branching university evolved over time. Thanks to the magnanimity of Iordanes, the bishop of Padua, and its mayor Giovanni Rusca, the students from Bologna were granted asylum. And so the 29th of September 1222, the Michaelmas, became the date of origin for the "studium generale" in Padua, which veritably prospered in the liberal administrative organization and successful centre of trade of the city.
The new "studium" had to spring up in a short time and have a solid structure, since as early as 1227, pope Honorius III. adressed to it the fifth compilation of documents (Compilatio Quinta). In the same year, the students and professors ceremonially approved, in a cathedral in front of the papal college and the bishop of Padua, the codex of Florentine professor Buoncompagno [1] - "Rhetorica antiqua", also known under the name "Forma literarum Scholasticarum", as was formely happening in Bologna.
Besides legal sciences, the disciplines "artistarum" were also taught in Padua from the word go, as becomes apparent from the long-lasting squabbles and conflicts between the professors and students of these scientific disciplines and the university of lawyers. However, the "Universitas artistarum" only managed to obtain the approval of its sovereignty in 1399. In so doing, two different universities officially came to existence, by modern standards two faculties of one university - the "Universitas iuristarum" and the "Universitas artistarum", each one with their own rector, students and the prerogative to issue laws. The patron of the first - the legal one was Saint Catherine of Alexandria, while the other one had Saint Thomas Aquinas, however both of them used seals with the depiction of Christ the Redeemer, the patron of students. The lawyers depicted him in the act of blessing in glory, while the "artisti" in turn had him coming back from the dead above an open grave. For the law students, the subject of their studies was civil and canon law. The content of the studies of the medical-philosophic division included medicine, philosophy, grammar, rhetorics and astrology. In 1363, the study of theology was also approved by a decree of pope Urban V..
It has to be mentioned that the word "universitas" had at the time a different meaning than it does today. It was basically an occupational assembly of students, who made up the basis of the university structure and who had their own self-governance, electing rectors, who were presiding over the administrative organs of the university. Initially, the students themselves picked and also paid the professors. These then organized into separate colleges, presided over by the bishop. In his person, both universities met, together making up the "studium generale".
The pope delegated the right to award academic titles onto the bishop of Padua. The bishop was the archchancellor for all of the studies. This is similar to how it worked in Oxford, Paris or Bologna. Despite this dependence on the authority of the church (which was fully in keeping not only with the lawful order, but also the spirit of the era) the University of Padua has always been characterized by a principled liberal approach to scientific research and teaching in the spirit of its motto, included in the emblem of the university - "Universa Universis - Patavina Libertas".
In Padua, there existed three colleges of doctors (medics and philosophers, theologians and lawyers), which, thanks to a priviledge bestowed by the pope, were allowed to award doctorates. Although the colleges were institutionally independent of the university, they were in contact with the university and with the faculty of professors. The main function of the colleges was issuing doctorate diplomas. The college of doctors was testing students who were already finishing their studies. The old statutes had determined that the lenght of the studies outght to be six years in the case of civil and canon law, five for the "artes liberates" and at least three for medicine.
The awarding of the doctorate was a process that occured over three phases. The first phase was called "gratia" (mercy) and involved introducing the candidate to the scientific college. According to the university statutes, each candidate was supposed to prove their eligibility by three disputations and a public lecture from a well-known work. Under certain circumstances, the candidate could've received an exemption (gratia) and skip over one step. Not uncommonly, the candidate was requesting a gratia of partial or complete forgiveness of the doctoral student fee. The second phase, the "tentamen" or provisional exam, was playing out in front of a scientific college and its purpose was to test the eligibility of the candidate. Following its successful passing, the third phase awaited the candidate, which consisted of the so-called "examen privatum" and the "doctoratus pubblicus". "Examen privatum" was an exceptionally rigorous exam, which, should the candidate pass it, habilitated him for the work in the profession which he specialized in. "Doctoratus pubblicus" took place on the same day as the "examen privatum", although sometimes, a one or two day delay could occur. During this ceremony, the newly minted doctor acquired the doctoral attributes - books "clausos, mox appertos", a doctor's barret and a gold ring.
STUDENTS OF SLOVAK DESCENT To foreign students, a doctorate could've been granted even after a short visit, should they present a proof they've studied at a different university and demonstrate sufficient scientific capabilities at the exam. Many students from the area of today's Slovakia were keen on the so-called peregrinatio academica (traveling for the sake of education). Let's name just a few as a representative sample. John [2] Henckel of Levoča came to Padua in 1508, obtaining a doctorate from canon law. He arrived to Padua from the University of Vienna, and finished his academic journey at the University of Bologna. John Sambucus from Trnava, before he began his studies in Padua in 1553, studied at universities in Wittenberg, Strasbourg, Basel and Paris. George Purkirchner from Bratislava, before he came to study in Padua, had tried his luck on the University of Wittenberg. George Hoffman from Bratislava first studied in Strasbourg, however, in 1571, he joined the University of Padua. Gregory Amman from Spiš studied in Padua from January to mid-August 1578, departing from there to Bologna and Rome. Later, he was enjoying the pleasures of student life in Sienna, finishing with repeated studies on the University of Padua, which lasted two years. After a year and a half stint at the University of Padua, Christopher Birnstingl from Kežmarok continued at the University of Jena. John Melcer of Prešov studied at the University of Strasbourg before arriving in Padua. Michael Strednyansky from Streda nad Bodrogom, along with Stephen Tököly, came to Padua from the University of Heidelberg. In this fashion, we could continue naming more of these.
With the beginning of the supremacy of Venetian signoria over Padua in 1405, an era of unparalleled blossoming, which lasted until the 18th century, dawned on Padua. Trough their ambassadors, the Venetian Republic was informed about the best professors at Italian and foreign universities. The ambassadors were to at an appropriate time offer a possition to the professors, drawing them into Padua. Aiming to comply with the wishes of the students, the Venetian Republic not only maintained the renowned chairs, but also founded new ones, so in some years, the university curricula contained over 30 lecturers at each faculty. These happenings caused a new, powerful torrent of students. The reputation of the University of Padua was being passed down the generations. Several generations of the Thurzó family studied there, Daniel Geyger sent his sons there, and it's not out of the question that there was a familial connection between John Henckel of Levoča, who studied canon law there in 1508, and John Henkel, also from Levoča, who studied medicine in Padua in 1458. The students came from all parts of Italy and Europe, from the lands of the Mediterranean, of which the most prevalent was the Republic of Venice, and from countries with which Venice maintained active political and commercial ties.
The students were divided into so-called "university nations" according to ethnogeographic criteria. They were assembled into two main groups. Citramontani, which in practice were students from the area of today's Italy (Cisalpinia) and Ultramontani, basically foreigners from the lands beyond the Alps. Both groups were represented by one or two rectors, elected yearly by the student community. During the elections, each student had an equal right to vote. The division between the Ultramontani and Citramontani was the only distinction during the 13th and a large portion of the 14th century.
In the second half of the 14th century, a division according to particullar university nations, so-called nationes, had taken shape. At the faculty of law [3], there were 22 of them: German, Czech, Polish, Hungarian, Provençal, Burgundian, English, Catalonian with the Spanish, Oltremarinian (Greece, Cyprus), Scottish, Roman, Sicilian, Anconan, Lombardian, Milanese, Tuscan, Venetian, Trieran, Friulian, Dalmatian, Piedmontan and Paduan. The faculty of philosophy had seven "nationes": Cisalpine (ultramontana), Ultramarine or Cypriot, Tuscan, Lombardian with the Piedmontese and the Genovese, Trieran including the Ilyrians from Friuli, Dalmatians and the denizens of Istria, Roman with the southern Italians and Anconan. At the faculty of philosophy, a student from Hungary could've joined the community of the natio ultramontana, which was equal to the other six and itself was divided into nine smaller national communities. Meanwhile a law student arriving from Hungary could've joined the community of the Hungarian, but also the German nation. According to a 1600 statute, the German community of the university was also open to the Danes, Swedes, Prussians, Livonians, Czechs, Hungarians, Transsylvanians, the Swiss and the Rhets.
All nations played an important role in academic life. From their ranks were picked the advisors - consiliares, who assisted the rector in leading the faculty in question organizationally. Among the lawyers, each nationality nominated one, among the philosophers two conciliares. They were elected initially once per semester, later each year. Their coats of arms were chiseled into stone or painted. They were placed, along with those that belonged to the rectors or the syndic of the year, to the walls of the school, in the halls and the atrium or the "Bo" Palace. This custom was kept up until 1688. Altogether, more than 3000 coats of arms have been preserved, making up a marvelous heraldic treasure, which conserves the memory of many of the Paduan students. Of our students, depicted there are the frescoes of the coats of arms of John Melcer from Prešov, John Haan and John de Paar from Bratislava.
SLOVAKS, HUNGARIANS OR GERMANS? Although the Hungarian community at the university had its own sovereign status and hierarchy, 98% of students from the territory of today's Slovakia joined the German university nation. This came about as a result of the fact that Germans had the most well-organized community at the university and were enjoying many privileges. Not that the Hungarians would deny their roots. They fastidiously named the location they came from, as well as their allegiance to the Hungarian state. They had their names put down like thus: Ladislaus Kubinsky de felső Kubin Hungarus, Christopher Thurzó Betlemfalwa Ungarus, Andrew Waywodich Velichahensis Hungarus, Ladislaus Caplioni Zyladinus Ungarus, George Hoffman Hungarus Posoniensis, Daniel Therianus Rosenbergius Ungarus or Kaspar Szeghedy Tirnaviensis Ungarus.
The latinized forms of names, as well as the incompleteness of the data, prevent us from finding out how many students from Slovakia were of Slovak ethnicity. Since Slovakia was a part of the multinational Hungary, these could equally have been Slovaks, Croatians, Germans or Hungarians (the Slovaks also lived in regions outside today's Slovakia and the same was true of other Hungarian nationalities, which lived on the territory of today's Slovakia). The fact that many names sound German and that the vast majority of students from the territory of today's Slovakia inclined towards the German university nation could've been an indication of a certain predominance of Germans. However, this equally could've been simply a result of the fact that they were striving to reap the benefits afforded to the German nation at the University of Padua. Many students also betray their nationality by noting their name or the settlement - town they come from.
However complicated the question of the national identity of a student coming from the multinational Hungary might seem, our imagination might be aided by two analogies. The first one would be with the today's United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. There, everyone proudly aligns themselves with a British citizenship despite the fact that their national roots vary. This trend could also be observed in the case of the denizens of the Kingdom of Hungary, who proudly aligned themselves with the Hungarian "citizenship" or state allegiance, which however wouldn't prevent them from being a Slovak, German, Hungarian or Croat. The second analogy comes from medieval Italy, which was divided into city states. A Florentine or Roman identity was just as strong as that of a person from for example Trnava, Bratislava or Levoča. Nonetheless, it's as if there was some slight national nuance. Even at the University of Padua, there were students that had labeled themselves "Pannonii", and this term, "Pannonius", shouldn't be understood as synonymous with the term "Hungarus". "Pannonius" was frequently used as the opposite of "Hungarus" and an emphasis of slavicness/slovakness even at the University of Padua. A similar practice has also been confirmed at other universities, particularly in Vienna and Trnava. Not uncommon are following forms in vital records: Stephen Abraham Pannonius de Naghlucze, John Sambucus Pannonius Tyrnaviensis, George Dobos Tirnaviensis Pannonius, John Haan Posoniensis Pannonius, Daniel Burkhardt Schemnicensis Pannonius, George Khamper Posoniensis Panonius, Stephen Partinger Posoniensis Pannonius. Still others only named the town, village or region they came from: John de Scepus, Stephen de Lechnicia, Stephen de Zuynna, Kaspar Dali Szombathelyi, John de Paar Posoniensis, George Amman Scepusiensis. An interesting, though rare case is one where the student named themselves as Pavol Glasur Superiores Pannoniae Ungarus Bartphensis.
In the vast majority of cases, the students from Slovakia had their names put down in the vital records of the German nation, especially those that came to study law. In the following lines, we are going to demonstrate, trough a couple of cases, interest of students, who came from Slovakia and joined the German vital records, in the life of the Hungarian university nation. They were involved in it with the same intensity and actively contributed to it. Many had their names put down in the vital records of both university nations, German and Hungarian. It was more or less an individual choice of each individual, since the fees were high. Those that could afford it in terms of finance joined both of them. For those that couldn't afford it, pragmatic thinking prevailed and they preferred to reap the benefits of the German university nation. Let's name three representative examples, which wouldn't at all be the exception. The first, John de Paar from Bratislava, joined the German university nation at the faculty of law on the 12th of April 1576. We have documentation from 1582 saying that John de Paar was elected an advisor (consiliary) for the Hungarian nation. Second, let's look at John Melcer of Prešov, who might've joined the vital records of German lawyers on the 28th of January 1600, paying 10 liras as an entrance fee, but as early as the 8th of August 1600, he is mentioned as the advisor of the Hungarian nationality. As the third and last example, we'll mention the academic career of George Komarnyanski from Komárno. He joined the vital records of the German university nation on the 27th of February 1713 as a student of medicine. He then, as early as the 17th of September 1713, wrote his name down into the vital records of the German nation at the faculty of law, and in 1715, he is mentioned as the advisor (consiliary) of lawyers from the Hungarian nation.
WEALTHY AND WELL-SUPPORTED When it comes to the social status of the students from Slovakia at the University of Padua, it needs to be said that they were predominantly from the uppermost strata of society. Studying there were the Thurzós, Révays, the Forgács, all important magnate families, Peter Bakics, the free baron of Holíč and Šaštín, Michael Czobor, the free baron of Šaštín and Ostrý Kameň, Thököly, Kubinsky or Strednyansky and many others from nobility higher and lower. In a similar vein, sons of wealthy patrician burghers, especially from Bratislava and the Spiš region, also studied there.
In many cases, even a nobleman or patrician, let alone a clever, gifted student from the countryside, wouldn't get to study without the support of a wealthy magnate, for example as a tutor to the son of his beneficiary. Another alternative was the favor of a high ecclesiastical official, in the best case scenario an archbishop or at least a bishop. Janus Pannonius was sent to university by János of Sredna, also known as Vitéz, the archbishop of Esztergom. Vitéz also sent George Polycarpus. Sigismund Thurzó let many a talented youth finish their studies. Let's mention at least John Henckel and Nicolaus Olahus. Studying in Padua at the behest of Nicolaus Olahus, the archbishop of Esztergom, was Ferenc Forgács of Jelenec. Meanwhile, George Hoffman was a protegee of the bishop of Vác. John Sambucus got to Padua at the behest of Nicolaus Olahus, archbishop of Esztergom, as a tutor to his nephew George Bonna. Michael Strednyansky came to his studies as a tutor to Stephen Thököly.
After getting enrolled, a student had to find accomodations for himself, reasonably priced and not too far from the university, so that they could comfortably attend lectures. A student from Central Europe might've been taken aback by the weather in Padua. The dry winters he would've been used to in Hungary were and are extremely damp in Padua. We have had passed down to us the correspondence from the Révay brothers, wherein they claim that in Padua, it's not common to use heating in winter (a commendable custom, which has been kept up to this day) and are asking their father to send them fox furs.
Studying at the faculty of law was the most popular, and that lasted until as late as the 19th century, when the study of medicine gained the upper hand, which was related to the presence of two college professors, both originating from Slovakia - Martin Steer, professor of pathology from Trnava, who was active there in 1826-1848, and Wiliam Lippich, denizen of Spišská Nová Ves, who was giving lectures on clinical medicine in 1834-1841. The largest number of students were from the Poszony and Szepes Counties. The students were usually wealthy members of noble families, but it wasn't out of the ordinary to see the sons of merchant families. The money obtained trough selling iron goods or in the hatmaking trade could fund studies abroad perfectly well. Higher education was a good investment of capital, since the young graduate had a chance to climb the societal ladder.
The research into Slovak and Hungarian students at foreign universities is far from being a closed chapter. A still fresh topic is for instance tracking the fates of the particular Universitas Patavina alumni following their return home.
[1] - probably Boncompagno da Signa
[2] - their names were originally Slovak, but at this point I just gave up and translated them into English
[3] - Slovak uses "faculty" where "college" is more common in anglophone countries.
how lucky am i that i get to suffer in this world
Get In, Losers. We Are Finally Doing Some Shitposting Here At Arpad-shitposting.
Spin the wheel. This one leads your army. This one is who you are up against.
How screwed are you?
NAILING THEIR QUARTERED BODY ON CITY GATES AS WE SPEAK
We have a clear advantage, but I guess their cause isn't completely hopeless?
Could go either way!
IUSTAM CAUSAM DEUS NON DELINQUENT (...but our chances aren't great)
...this is going be the next Mohácz isn't it
For those that don't know the guy they picked - links to the polls where you can find a short summary of their reign, in alphabetical order:
Aba Sámuel
Albert
I.András
II.András
III.András
I.Béla
II.Béla
III.Béla
IV.Béla
I.Géza
II.Géza
Imre
I.István
II.István
III.István
V.István
Kálman
I.Károly
II.Károly
I.Lajos
II.Lajos
I.László
III.László
IV.László
V.László
I.Mária
I.Mátyás
Orseolo Péter
Salamon
I.Ulászló
II.Ulászló
Zsigmond
Girl (respectfully), how did Magnificent Century(?) snuck up on this?
poking at Ur hand with my nose to get you to pet me
you're going to try and bite it aren't you?
im not gonna lie i will straight up be biting it yes
I am so sorry, of course it is my fault for being so biteable. I apologize profusely
How is everything so vulgar and over sexualised but completely sexless and devoid of magnetism and desire….. neutered ass planet