Ptolemaic Egypt was the scene of...
Royal incest:
Hybrid gods:
And striking art:
All this and more in this week's post...
The hybrid culture of Ptolemaic Egypt
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Ptolemaic Egypt was the scene of...
Royal incest:
Hybrid gods:
And striking art:
All this and more in this week's post...
The hybrid culture of Ptolemaic Egypt
“Dancing with the Lion II: Rise” by @jeannereames (Thank you! 🥺✨👌🏻)
Review with spoilers
The second volume of the “Dancing with the Lion” duology covers the final years of Philip II's reign, leading up to his death. Alexandros comes of age, and although his relationship with his father is sustained by genuine affection, it becomes increasingly turbulent, marked by mutual distrust, tension, and insecurity. We encounter a proud and brilliant prince—impulsive, yet deeply in need of validation; intense in expressing that need, yet also reluctant to reveal the extent of his own insecurities.
Alexandros has not forgotten Aristoteles’ words, and he fears that his love for Hephaistion may undermine his ability to lead and diminish his authority. He is shaken by a painful inner conflict between his ambitions and the profound roots of that all encompassing affection. In this young man, all the defining qualities and driving impulses of the future "Megas Aléxandros" are already present, though yet to fully bloom: his famous ‘póthos’ the burning desire to press ever onward, to pursue, know and conquer; the terror of being unable to trust those who love him; and the necessity of mastering his own impulses lest he become enslaved by them.
Hephaistion supports, accepts, and follows Alexandros like a water pool for the rising Sun—not without suffering, but neither without receiving love in return. Together, the two young men grow into the complexity and fragility of their emotional bond as they negotiate their needs, their roles, and even the ways they express physical love, in a dance that is at once fierce and delicate, yet permeated by a feeling that encompasses every form of love one person can have for another: agápē, érōs, and philía.
Once again, the author demonstrates that it is possible to portray a profound passion—and the one shared by the historical Alexandros and Hephaistion undoubtedly was, regardless of how much sex they may or may not have had—without falling into the trap of modern romantic tropes.
The fact that we cannot fully identify with their attitudes, limitations, and beliefs regarding sexuality is precisely what makes this novel such a precious gem: it is historically faithful and deeply realistic. That slight "distance" from the characters may lessen the reader's sense of identification, but it enriches the story with authenticity and emotional and historical depth.
The oracle delivered to the young prince during his exile gave me chills, especially the reference to one day reaching the banks of the Indus, at the edge of the world, never to return home again. (Pascoli's poem “Aléxandros” has never left my mind.) I cannot help but think that “the shield” mentioned in the prophecy—the one whose loss would bring him to his death—is none other than Hephaistion himself.
Throughout the novel, I felt as though I were holding the hearts of the real Alexandros and Hephaistion in my hands, while never deceiving myself into believing that I truly was. I was also deeply moved by the deaths of Brephas and Amyntor, and by the boys' oath in the tradition of the lovers of the Sacred Band. I have always imagined that any pair of young lovers serving in the Macedonian army must have experienced profoundly conflicting emotions as they slaughtered those glorious and devoted warriors.
Even scenes that might appear small convey just how extraordinary the bond between the two boys truly is. When Philippos welcomes his son with affection and recognition, Hephaestion feels so happy and light that it is as though someone had lifted an entire panoply of armor from his shoulders: selfless love, finding complete joy in the happiness of the one he loves.
As in the first volume, the principal characters are superbly developed, but so are the supporting ones. Campaspē, in particular, surprised me greatly—and this is exactly how a "love triangle" (that truly isn’t) should be handled in this context. The depiction of court intrigue and the sociopolitical landscape of Hellas before Alexandros’ Asian campaign is richly detailed without ever becoming tedious.
I understand the editorial decision to divide the novel into two volumes, even though it is clear that it was conceived as a single work. Read as one complete novel, it is truly a masterpiece. I also greatly appreciated the extensive historical note at the end, which bears witness to the depth of research accumulated over a lifetime.
I will eagerly—and gratefully—await any continuation of the saga. The story of Alexandros and Hephaistion, a tale of adventure, knowledge and devotion, deserves a narrative of this caliber.
⭐️ ⭐️ ⭐️ ⭐️ ⭐️
A little thing I made at one in the morning
Hello, Professor. Why did no one try to marry Roxanna after Alexander died? Thank you for your help.
Why Didn't Anybody Marry Roxana Later?
It wouldn't gain him anything. In herself, Roxana had no (political) clout. It might also be seen as an attempt to control the heir... and maybe replace him with a child of one's own begetting.
So formally, no. Informally, Perdikkas became her protector, even though Krateros was named regent for the heirs (prostasia) in the Babylonian settlement shortly after ATG died. But Perdikkas had Roxana (and Arrhidaios) and possession is nine-tenths of the law. ;-)
Later, after Krateros and Perdikkas were killed, Olympias effectively became Roxana's protector and Alex IV's regent until Kassandros finally had her killed and took possession of Alexander IV (and Roxana) and then did away with them.
But Roxana was NOT the key to becoming Alexander's replacement. Almost from the start, she was seen as "the wife he had to take to get out of Baktria." She was secondary to Statiera ...which is why she (= Perdikkas) had Statiera killed immediately after ATG died because Statiera was also pregnant. Statiera's higher social position would put any child she bore over Roxana's. So Roxana moved first, with Perdikkas's help.
Why didn't Perdikkas side with Statiera? We don't know. Maybe he assumed Roxana was further along and so a safer bet to carry to term. Maybe he decided she was politically weaker that Statiera and would owe her elevation/survival entirely to him. Maybe he just liked her better. Who knows? (Personally, I'm going with #2 with a helping of #1.)
Anyway, in herself, Roxana wasn't important. Sadly. She was important only as the mother of Alexander IV. Thus, marrying her wouldn't gain a new husband anything, and might actually harm him by marrying a woman seen as "a wild barbarian chick from the sticks."
Hello Professor, what are Alexander’s best military moments on campaign to you, I mean in terms of tactics (and strategy I suppose)?
Psyching Out the Enemy: where Alexander was greatest
I’ll tell two stories, as both demonstrate his greatest tactical skill: psyching you out. Yeah, he had tactical innovation; yeah, he refused to accept failure; yeah, he commanded a phenomenally well-trained army …all that stuff mattered. But it was his ability to virtually read the mind of his opponent that made him exceptional.
Siege of Pelion: This is found only in Arrian (1.5.1-6.11) about a year into his reign, against Kleitos, son of Bardylis (the famous Illyrian king who killed Perdikkas II, Phil’s brother, in 359), and his ally Glaukias. It takes place in a river-valley in a heavily wooded area. Kleitos and allies held the high ground—always the advantage. Kleitos had also seized a fort named Pelion in order to block Alexander’s path south (back to Macedonia). This was a major pass between Illyria and Macedonia. We’re not exactly sure where, but likely near the two Prespa Lakes. (I’m going with Hammond here; that man literally walked all over this area of north Greece/south Balkans during WWII. He was the only one to correctly identify Vergina as Aigai, in the face of ridicule, before the tombs were found. He knew his geography!)
Events took place across several days and with the Macedonians low on rations—at one point, ATG had to risk sending Philotas out with guard troops and the baggage animals to forage. Timewise, it happened after his rather infamous encounter with the Celts. (‘What scares you most?’ ATG asked [hoping they’d say him]. ‘The sky falling on us,’ the Celts replied.) But before the lightning march south to attack Thebes.
The two sides had already clashed once, and Alexander had sent them packing (to the point they left behind their sacrifices!). ATG decided to pin them in the hill fort and cut off Glaukias from reaching them. It’s then that ATG sent Philotas to forage, probably assuming it was safe. It was not and ATG had to rush to save him. (So yes, this is young Alexander making mistakes.)
Alexander may also have counted chickens early, because Kleitos and Glaukias still had the advantage of placement and ATG’s troops were faced with a bottleneck on the road south where they couldn’t spread out: river on one side, hills on the other. Attacking the Macedonians would be like shooting fish in a barrel. ATG had to get them through, so did something astonishing.
Before reaching the dangerous area, he put the phalanx into formation (120-deep) with cavalry and directed them to perform drills. Silently. Alternating wings in a very crisp fashion: zig-zag, Arrian says, with the raising and lowering of the pikes. Peter Green has a great description of this, btw (Alexander of Macedon, 132-33). Finally, ATG had the cavalry charge in wedge straight against the enemy (on the heights) and the phalanx raised the war cry, banging spears on shields.
At the unholy racket and charge, the Illyrians fled, giving up the heights. Alexander then had to get his men across the river without being attacked in the rear (or front). He did that in waves, with the help of the Langaros’s Agrianians. Part of the trick was to use his artillery not on the hill fort walls, but on the Illyrian troops themselves, basically lobbing anything they could find at them, not just catapult rocks. He also took the men over in file lines so they would build the phalanx as each group crossed—not be in disarray to be attacked by the enemy.
Everyone got across safely with no deaths. That is just…wow. They did pin down Kleitos and Glaukias in battle three days later and pretty much slaughtered them.
Now, two things here. The novel use of the catapults is one, probably obvious. I think this is the first time Alexander employed artillery against ground troops, not just against a city wall.
But what about the drills? What on earth was the point of that?
Alexander understood the worldview (and mental state) of his enemy. They were warriors: in it for glory and loot. His men were soldiers: in it for loot, to be sure, but also for the protection of the men around them. By demonstrating their extraordinary discipline, the Illyrians got spooked. Yes, they might come out victorious due to poor Macedonian positioning. But it would be quite a fight, and each individual warrior wasn’t sure he’d survive to enjoy the loot (and glory) he’d come for in the first place. They elected to withdraw and live to fight another day.
All right, so there you see several of Alexander’s tactical strengths: innovation on the fly, understanding his enemy, and staying absolutely cool under pressure. I’m sure his soldiers thought he’d lost his mind. “You want us to do…parade drills? WTF?!”
I love everything about this story. Keep in mind, folks—he was 21. Maybe (just) 22 when this happened. Earlier in Thrace, he’d also invented tactical novelties to deal with situations, including carts being rolled down a mountain at his men. So this wasn’t the first time, just maybe the trickiest.
The Sogdian Rock: The second event occurred in Sogdiana and is far better known. He successfully seized an “untakable” fortress with sheer cliffs and deeply warrened caves. Probably about what the Taliban used much later. This occurred in early spring, so still quite snowy. That hurt ATG and helped the Sogdians (plenty of fresh water). Arrian has a good account (4.18.4-19.4), although unlike the Pelion campaign, it’s also in Curtius (7.11.1ff). Incidentally, like Pelion, nobody can agree on where the Sogdian Rock was exactly. The image below is one (of several) possible “rocks” in the area that match. It’s good enough to give you an idea of what the rock climbers were facing.
Alexander sent allied locals to negotiate with Ariomazes, the warlord holding the rock. ATG demanded surrender, but Ariomazes told him they’d surrender when Alexander “found men who could fly” (or “men with wings”). IOW, the ancient equivalent of blowing a raspberry, or flipping him off.
Furious, Alexander promised 12 (silver) talents to whomever could reach the mountaintop first, then lesser amounts for 2nd and 3rd, and finally 300 Darics to everyone who got up there. Catch: they had to do it at night, no torches, carrying at least part of their armor. They used tent-pegs and rope. Not-quite 300 volunteered, and they lost only 30, according to Arrian. (This wasn’t the first instance of mountain climbing, btw; they’d done it before, if nothing that risky.)
In the morning when the sun rose, they waved signal flags or shields, so he knew they were in place above the cave mouth on the heights. Alexander sent the herald back out, the warlord emerged to meet him and asked if he’d found flying men. The herald pointed to the Rock above and said, “Look up.” There were the Macedonian troops waving at him.
He promptly surrendered. And, according to some versions of the story, this is where Alexander found Raṷxšna-: Roxana, although timing wise, Holt thinks that’s wrong.
Btw, there was apparently an alternative version in Strabo (11.11.4) that suggests ATG took the rock by internal treachery, Ariobarzanes killed by his own men according to the Metz Epitome (18)—which is very interesting.*
Anyway, and while the story of the surrender probably didn’t go quite like it’s related, if at least some is true, we again see Alexander’s remarkable ability to read enemy psychology. There were some instances in India where this ability broke down because they were just too alien in thinking, but even there, he was mostly successful …at least tactically.
Strategically was another matter. He screwed up strategically several times. I’d submit the burning of Persepolis was one of the biggest, as it meant the Persians would never truly accept him. The attempt to force a fixed border up in Sogdiana was another, as it produced rabid insurrection. Then in India, he didn’t appreciate the locals’ commitment to regional democratic rule enough and had to bludgeon his way through. Nor did the conquest outlast him. Rebellion started almost as soon as he passed. Later, Seleukos traded the whole area to Chandragupta Maurya for elephants. Just ditch the problem area and get a bunch of war elephants out of it! Probably the smarter choice. 😉
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* It’s possible to align the treachery with the climbing trick, if we assume Ariomazes did not immediately surrender. But his underlings, freaked out by the Macedonian flanking maneuver, decided to get rid of him if Alexander would spare them, which he did. For all his supposed dislike of underhanded tactics, he sure as hell employed them, and benefited from them, when it suited him.
What did foreigners think of Kolokotronis?
How to read history and stay alert: an example
Theodoros Kolokotronis is widely considered the most influential fighter of the Greek War of Independence and a figure that defined Modern Greek history like none other. In a country where people tend to be polarised and often critical of all personalities of their more recent history, Kolokotronis still receives wide respect and admiration. In a national poll that was held some years ago, he was voted the third greatest Greek of all time, only behind Alexander the Great and Georgios Papanikolaou, the inventor of the Pap smear test for the diagnosis and the prevention of cervical cancer.
But how was Kolokotronis perceived by foreign contemporaries of his? I found a collection of opinions about him to be particularly enlightening about how history is written, how it is always informed by the source's personal circumstances, beliefs and perspective. Like Edward Hallett Carr said, the relationship between a historian and their facts is analogous to the relationship of persons to their environment. One can only expect this phenomenon to get stronger in documentation penned by sources who are not academic historians. It is thus necessary for the reader of historical sources to always remain alert, examine the sources' political, financial and other interests and motives, find the potential common ground between disagreeing sources, and to be able to read behind the lines.
It is twice as essential for Greeks and Greek history readers, because they have a tendency to blindly trust foreign sources and frown upon domestic historiography as partial. Are the western european sources immune to bias though?
For example, do you think some of the opinions I will state immediately afterwards would be mayhaps different, if Kolokotronis was not reportedly hostile against the involvement of the British and other Europeans in the matters of the Greek Revolution??? Keep that in mind and let's see:
"His thick, long and dense black hair that framed his face, which was always covered by an ancient-looking helmet, the dark bohemian complexion, his small and slightly lazy eyes, his fearless and deep stare, covered under dense eyebrows, his wide and prudent forehead, his dense mustache under the hawk-like nose, his wide mouth with one tooth protruding up to the rough and thick upper lip, moreover his thunderous like a lightning voice, which sometimes exploded in an expression of passion and sometimes in a burst of fierce desire; all of these compose an appearance, that a painter could not ask for a better one, to represent a bandit*. But regardless of how one judges the appearence of this genuine bandit, it is certain that he presided upon all matters, he had endless influence on the people and transmitted them the courage and the faith in the victory, which were also filling his own chest. The outer appearance of a Rinaldo Rinaldini** hid a hero, who had an unusual faith in himself and the struggle of his nation. " - Karl Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1838 - 1897), German historian.
*With the term "bandit" the German historian refers to Kolokotronis being a klepth. The klephts were highwaymen turned anti-Ottoman insurgents, and warlike mountain-folk who lived in the countryside when Greece was a part of the Ottoman Empire.
**Rinaldo Rinaldini is the main character of the German romance "Rinaldo Rinaldini, the Robber Captain".
Kolokotronis with the helmet the German historian describes as ancient-looking. The truth is that it was a British helmet from his days of serving as a mercenary in British troops and he had modified it by putting that large white cross in the front. He hated it with a passion nonetheless. His tragedy was that apparently the rest of us all love it for some reason and we see it transform into some ancient Greek grandeur on him and so we have many statues and paintings with him wearing it and even German historians share the sentiment. He's probably rolling in his grave 180 years now.
"When I arrived at the Peloponnese, I had not seen in him but the fearsome captain of the largest troop. In the beginning he had no other goal but to gather riches and the fall of Tripolitsá had provided those to him. In time his perspective broadened, as well as the incidents in which he was the protagonist: after the riches he desired honours and seeked the title of the marshal of the Peloponnese, which Mavromichalis also desired. - Olivier Voutier (1796 - 1877), French Philhellene
Voutier however adds to his recollection the words Kolokotronis himself once told him.
"Who are these new people who arrived just yesterday in Greece and they seized the power and they want to enforce laws on us? What right do they have to command us? Is it because they obtained in Europe knowledge that we are deprived of in these unfortunate lands? It is not with the careful language and the sophisticated manners that we will get our freedom back. It is by the sword. It is thanks to our harsh training up in the mountains once, that they could enjoy the sweetness of the civilized world." - Theodoros Kolokotronis to Voutier
By "these new people" Kolokotronis refers to rich educated Greek expats of Europe who came to take the political control of the rebelling and freshly declared independent Greek state, often with the support of the British and the French, who however turned against the local Greek warriors who were the ones doing the fighting in the battlefield (such as Kolokotronis himself) and whose influence on the Greek people they tried to minimize.
"About 68 years old but still in his prime. Thin face, a stare that is steady and harsh, a massive black mustache and wavy hair. In his waist he carries a knife and two pistols. A man of war." - Eugene de Villeneuve, French philhellene
A death mask of Theodoros Kolokotronis, the waistband for his weapons and his notorious surviving helmet.
"Kolokotronis? Nobody can deny his inherent skill in war affairs. He is completely illiterate. Taller than average, unkempt appearance, ferocious face, with a harsh and wild expression. Thanks to his build and his iron health he is able to withstand the most harsh adversities." - Jean Francois Maxime Raybaud (1795 - 1894), French philhellene
"It was a man in his 50s or 60s, with a grandiose look that reminded of the generation of heroes. A lively face, tanned by the hot sun, shadowed by gigantic mustaches. A handsome face with all the Greek proportions, decorated with black wavy hair. This is a portrait of the chief of the Irregulars, who spent his entire life in military camps. Beholding his colossal stature, you would think he was a descendant of Hercules, if this ancient god still mattered in Greece." - F. R. Sank*, French enthusiast of classical antiquity.
*Disclaimer: The source I use is in Greek so I did a direct transliteration of the French man's initials and surname from the Greek letters and it is probably totally inaccurate. Anyway, you can see how his love for classical antiquity informs positively his perception of Kolokotronis. I have no reason to doubt that this is happening in the perceptions I added above and below too, whether they are painted in a positive or a negative light.
"When I saw Kolokotronis seated among his companions and the guards who surrounded him full of respect, I was reminded of Satan in the council of Torquato Tasso*. His unkempt gray hair fell on his wide shoulders and was tangled with his rough beard, which he had left unshaven since the day of his imprisonment**, a symbolism of grief and wish for revenge. His build is hard and robust, his warlike and wild face reminds of the gray rocks of the Aegean Sea... Surely Kolokotronis is not a man of average measure." - Ginseppe Pecchio (1785 - 1835), Italian philhellene
*Torquato Tasso (1544 - 1595) was an Italian poet of the Renaissance. ** Kolokotronis was imprisoned by the aforementioned Greek expatriate politicians during the civil war, which took place while the independence war was still in its zenith! These politicians decided to let him free when they realised Greece started losing the war against the Ottomans, while Kolokotronis was kept behind the bars.
Kolokotronis watches his soldiers dance after the victory in Dervenakia. Lithograph by Peter von Hess.
"While we were about to go to bed, we were visited by a famous Greek general. Kolokotronis. He is almost 50 years old, with great status, intense characteristics and a determined personality. He is a very grandiose man and a great fighter. The Greek soldiers are asking for him to support them to their fight for freedom. His appearance is impressive and he seldom leads them to battle without winning it. - William Fleming, American sailor of "USS Constitution".
The British philhellene James Emerson Tennent (1804 - 1869), who was apparently in his late teens - early twenties during his involvement in the Greek War of Independence (!) somehow visited the imprisoned Peloponnesian war chiefs in Hydra island (the imprisonment was for the reasons I mentioned earlier). In this context, we understand that such accessibility was possible for him thanks to the open British support to Greek politicians such Alexander Mavrokordatos, who were largely responsible for imprisoning these men. He wrote:
"Most of them were not remarkable at all. They were like their fellow countrymen, wild looking, dressed in embroidered waistcoats and dirty fustanellas (kilts). You could easily spot Kolokotronis though. He's wilder than the rest, and more savage. Short, but with a Herculian body. His bovine neck supports his very large head, proportionate to the rest of the body. So, with his thorny eyebrows, his dark mustache, the unshaven beard (symbol of grief or unsatiated thirst for revenge) and with the black hair that fell on his back in waves, he was a proper study for a painter."
Emerson and Kolokotronis disagreed over the formation of a regular army, which the British supported. Kolokotronis thought this structure was vastly different from the guerilla warfare the Greeks were used to and could be competent at. Furthermore, he believed Greeks could potentially be against it because they would view it as opposed to their traditions. When Emerson told him that in this way progress and culture would cease to exist in Greece, the illiterate Kolokotronis answered: "We must first ensure political stability. Then, in time, culture will come back."
(I am sorry for intercepting but.... what "progress and culture" would cease to exist, my man Emerson?! The irregular war was already the established reality for CENTURIES at that point!!!!)
Another British man, James Hamilton Browne, close friend of Lord Byron, and as such perhaps keener of the warriors than the politicians, wrote that Kolokotronis' fans and soldiers worshipped him. In his words, "the indisputable leader, the guide, the one who encouraged them and supported them in danger, the one who rewarded them in the great victories".
It is interesting how vastly perception varies even among men of the same nation, usually based on their alliances and ideologies.
The British officer and philhellene Edward Blaquiere (1779 - 1832) was often in ideological disagreement with Kolokotronis, however he wrote: "Precipitous and violent, he was an Ajax with unbelievable bravery... it was impossible to find a more competent captain than him."
George Finley (1799 - 1875), a Scottish historian and philhellene, was a fierce critic of Kolokotronis. He wrote: "A man of a robust build, he was as complacent as is needed to maintain a pleasant mood. Rough in his manners, but as much as it was needed in order to hide his natural hypocrisy, he had adopted a manner of conspicuous honesty. His patriotism was egotistical and the deeds of magnanimity he committed, he owns them to the circumstances and they can't erase the memory of his egocentric ambition and his vulgar avarice in the period of his biggest power. He was gifted by nature with a sharp mind and a tough heart, but he did not manage to broaden and better his feelings with the education and the experience of life."
"He was no different at all from his people, unless we take his dirt into consideration. He looks like a brigand of the mountains and I did not see in him the virtues that befit a good general or captain. He is not famed for his bravery, he does not know how to read or write and the worst is that he does not fulfill his duties towards his soldiers like any proper leader. There is no discipline, neither are there any provisions and the soldiers fight without bread. And even if they find bread, it's going to be of the worst kind, and some family will be left behind starving." - George Jarvis (1797 - 1828), American philhellene
"I was amused by his shenanigans, for I knew this old hypocrite is a notorious enemy of the English and he publicly blames the british government that it plans to take and enslave Morea. His manners have nothing burgeois and they fit absolutely, just like his looks and attire indicate, the manners of a notorious warlord. - George Waddington (1793 - 1869), English priest and explorer.
Waddington spontaneously admits his negative predisposition towards Kolokotronis, which was based on Kolokotronis' open hostility towards the British meddling in the Greek war. This is why I wondered in the beginning of the post whether some of these impressions about him, especially the ones coming from the British, would be different if they were not aware of Kolokotronis' feelings.
"He genuinely loathes the tyranny that tortured his fatherland all this time and he would feel truly happy to make it independent and happy. But his misfortune and shame is that his patriotism goes hand in hand with his self-interest. For even though he loves his country, he loves riches and power more. Even if he is brave and bold, he is also greedy and avaricious... his avarice has spotted even his most praiseworthy achievements. In short, he acquired wealth, massive wealth, while his countrymen were purged from hunger. He's a brigand and a son of a brigand." - Henry A.V. Post, American philhellene
I think it's time to say, because his greediness and love for wealth have been pointed out by many accounts by now, that interestingly Kolokotronis did NOT acquire the massive wealth Post and the others claim. He was indeed the member of a powerful clan of brigands but he gave most of his possessions during the war. The loots he got from the sack of Tripolitsá, all went into sustaining his army for the battles to come. This is ultimately proven by his will in 1841, which shows that his personal fortune was modest. Not desperate, but modest. Certainly not of one who "has accumulated massive wealth and his love for money is bigger than his love for his homeland".
"Kolokotronis is not a bad general, but it's as a figher that nobody can match him. He's brave, strict in discipline, cautious and he takes advantage of every opportunity and uses it appropriately. But his personal qualities as a general are the most notable. He knows every single man of his troops personally, he is loved and admired by his soldiers. And because either they cannot or they don't want to see beyond their nose, they think he is a steadfast patriot and a good man... He was the most fearsome enemy of the consitutional government after Odysseus Androutsos". - Samuel Gridley Howe (1801 - 1876), American doctor and philhellene.
Again, Howe too mentions his animosity with the temporary government of the time, which was pro-British.
"They all sat on the ground without bowing to the prince (D. Ypsilantis). Ypsilantis introduced us to Kolokotronis, but he did not even deign to look at us, speak to us. Only a couple captains addressed a few words to us. We stood up and left offended, because it was impossible to tolerate Kolokotronis' behaviour and the authoritative expression he took as he was speaking to the prince and the captains. He had a smug expression and a treacherous appearance", wrote the Italian officer Bringeri. However, Bringeri also wrote the following: "One day he treated somebody with warmth, the other day with absolute disdain, depending on his intentions. However, despite his repulsion for us, he was a good host to us. He sent sheep, lambs, wine, cognac and plenty of other stuff in abundance, even though we knew he would gladly poison us all, and Mavrokordatos* first and foremost."
*Like I said, Mavrokordatos was the head of the temporary government, a Greek expat with mostly British affiliations. It was Mavrokordatos' workings which sent Kolokotronis to prison.
It goes further than that, as the French colonel Joseph Balestra, who was born in Crete and was killed in 1822, suggested to D. Ypsilantis to murder Kolokotronis! "Your Highness, although you have committed some mistakes that resulted in you relying on Kolokotronis, there is a way, if you truly love your country, to be immortalized. Revolutions do not succeed without bloodshed. We have the precedent of Italy. All the Europeans are by your side. You saw how Kolokotronis behaves after the sack of Tripolitsá, where he seized so many treasures that could be enough to buy Greece's independence. The time has come. If you give us the permission, tomorrow morning Kolokotronis and his satellites will not exist. His riches will pass to your hands. You will put those brutes aside and create troops that are able to ensure the independence of your homeland. Kolokotronis will be your worst enemy, even if you manage to make a government of your own. His only desire is to continue his life as a brigand, which was his profession up to this point."
... I don't know how to approach this, because I want to leave room to the reader to think for themselves, but I have to state some facts. As we see, Balestra offers to have Kolokotronis' murdered for Yspilantis' sake, warning him that he was going to be his biggest enemy and that if he killed him, Ypsilantis would be "immortalised".
What's certain is that if Ypsilantis killed Kolokotronis, he would be "mortalised" very quickly by other Greeks. Balestra says "all Europeans were by Ypsilantis' side". No European was by Ypsilantis side. This text is so disorienting that it feels malicious. The biggest tragedy is that Ypsilantis and Kolokotronis were friendly!!!! They fought in many battles together and they had a lot of respect for each other!!!
And here's the cherry on top: during the civil war (1823-1825), Ypsilantis and Kolokotronis were on the same side!!! Against Alexander Mavrokordatos and the promoted government of Central Greece. Yet somehow this french colonel saw in Kolokotronis Ypsilantis' supposedly biggest enemy, while the Italian above was scandalised by how Kolokotronis treated him, a prince, in such an informal and smug way. Given that we know the men were friendly and collaborative with each other, let alone on the same side during the civil war, I believe that these people, used in the ways of their own countries, totally and constantly misinterpreted the Greek lifestyle and mentality. Demetrios Yspilantis was a Greek prince but he was a Greek hegemon appointed by the Ottomans to control Wallachia and Moldavia. Such a status, while surely respectable, was not perceived as royalty worthy of other Greeks' pleasantries. To Kolokotronis, Yspilantis was a nobleman but not HIS prince. Ypsilantis was in Peloponnese as an aspiring troop leader and fighter for independence, not as a ruler of the other captains. The smugness Kolokotronis had was probably because of the fact that Ypsilantis was many decades his junior and only knew the western regular type of fighting, which as we saw Kolokotronis considered totally unfit for the Greek cause. But an anecdote is that despite their differences, both men always worked to bridge the gap between them. Ypsilantis started toughening up and adjusting to Kolokotronis' ways and fighting style, while Kolokotronis addressed him as respectfully as he could with his nonexistent education, calling him "príntsepa" (prince), a strange mix of the Greek "príngipa" with the Italian "principe".
And there were actually people, foreign people, who actually deemed it appropriate and beneficial to cause bloodshed or at least animosity between these two men, two Greeks, during the independence war. Beneficial to whom, really? If you get really suspicious about all this, it would almost seem like the French colonel attempted to violently remove Ypsilantis from Kolokotronis' influence, so that he could then persuade him to change sides. But we cannot know for sure, so maybe, he really was this genuinely misled to believe in what he was suggesting to Ypsilantis. Thankfully, the prince ignored this message.
Prince Demetrios Ypsilantis. Detail from the painting of Spyridon Prosalentis.
As a final addition, even genuine Philhellene fighters had been swayed by the rumours spread at the expense of Kolokotronis. The Swiss doctor Johann Jakob Meyer, who was penning the newspaper "Hellenic Chronicles" from his base in the besieged town of Missolongi (yesterday was the 200th anniversary of the tragic sortie of Missolongi by the way) wrote: "Brave and miserable Kolokotronis. Fatherland honoured you and made you rich... instead of taking revenge for your son, pull out your sword and spend your money to besiege Patras". From tissue 95, 22 November 1824.).
Some context is needed here too. Do you remember earlier how at least a couple sources said that when Kolokotronis was in prison, he had left his beard grow as a sign of grief and a will for revenge? Conveniently, none of these sources explained the reason behind this sentiment. During the civil war, the GREEK government of Alexander Mavrokordatos hired 25 Bulgarians to attack and murder his son, Panos Kolokotronis, who was also fighting in the independence war, like the whole Kolokotronis family. So, essentially, what everyone is telling him is "stop whining that this government is not good and our plans are not effective and stop being mad that they killed your son and imprisoned you, just shut up and save the government's ass by fighting for it because you are admittedly the best fighter, otherwise you are a corrupted greedy hypocritical vermin and you don't love your country, despite being like 60 and still fighting in the frontline for it".
And you know what the irony is? When released, Kolokotronis did go back to fighting in the battles against theOttomans and did not resume his wish for revenge or the further polarisation of the civil unrest. On the contrary, he became a voice for unity and he supported the next, significantly more competent and infinitely more moral, governor Ioannis Kapodistrias, while other war chiefs were still rebelling. Do the western sources tell anything about this? Well, no, because Kapodistrias had Russian affiliations and thus they hated both equally.
If you read the, like, I don't know, two foreign books out there which explore modern Greek history nowdays, this old propaganda remains the standard narrative. One example I have analyzed in depth is the book The Greeks by Roderick Beaton, which is a decent book with an all of a sudden unacceptable chapter about the Greek Revolution, so ridiculous that even unaware foreign readers in Goodreads comment that they found this chapter abruptly off and weirdly underwhelming. It spoke volumes that the single source Beaton, a historian supposedly specialised in Byzantine and Modern Greek history, used for this chapter was the British consulate in Greece. Seriously. For a history book of a foreign country. The British consulate!
Do you think that the context I provided changed even a little the way you would perceive this topic, if you had only read the recollections of these European men? If so, remember to always scrutinize the source, no matter what you read, especially in historiography, the most violated scientific field.
Here's however what shines as consistent and therefore reliable information throughout both positive and negative accounts:
Kolokotronis had a particularly rough, very unkempt yet impressive appearance that inspired and spread very excited descriptions. While nobody admits it openly, it seems like he could intimidate people with his presence alone (herculian body, ferocious face, steady intense eyes, thunderous voice etc). This is also pretty consistent with Greek accounts. As an example, according to some accounts, Greeks and Turks thought of him as a "demigod" so to speak, and when a Greek person once saw him up close for the first time, he cried: "Well he is just an ordinary man!" By the way, this is one of the reasons I have said before it is easier to cast someone as a Greek god than as Kolokotronis. No actor ever tried to look and act like him and managed to not be ridiculous at it.
Nobody denies him his sharp intellect, strategic genius and military skill, despite his illiteracy and crude manners
Both his fans and critics agree that he was by no means an average man, and most see in him both positive and negative qualities that were out of the ordinary
There is a repeated contradiction of many of these sources accusing him of greed and selfishness, as we already analyzed, yet begrudgingly acknowledging in him an unprecedented bravery and passion. Only one source counterargues that he did not see any bravery in him. The positive accounts are particularly enthusiastic about his heroism and strength. Similarly, in Greece he is viewed as the primary example of unconditional devotion to the struggle for freedom.
Source:
Michalis Stoukas for the newspaper Proto Thema (https://www.protothema.gr/stories/article/1304714/theodoros-kolokotronis-ti-grafoun-filellines-gia-ton-gero-tou-moria/AMP/)
CHECK THE UPDATED VERSION WITH MORE INFORMATION IN THE REBLOGS OF THIS POST
UPDATE
In this update I add a couple more foreign recollections I found.
Commodore Hamilton was initially a supporter of Mavrokordatos. He had arguments with Kolokotronis, even suggesting to him at some point that the Greek fighters should reach some sort of compromise with the Ottoman Empire, and Britain was willing to act as an intermediary.
Kolokotronis himself narrates his response to him in his memoirs:
"This can never happen, it's freedom or death. We, captain 'amilton, have never made a compromise with a Turk. They cut people, they enslaved them by the sword but others, like us, lived free generation after generation. Our King* was killed, he made no pact. His guard has eternal war with the Turks, and two of his forts remain ever untaken."
Hamilton asked: "Who are his royal guards? What are his forts?"
Kolokotronis then responded: "The guards of our King* are the so-called bandits, the forts are Mani and Souli, and the mountains".
Hamilton said no more to that, but his perception of Kolokotronis started changing vastly.
In his official reports sent to the British Admiral and his government, he conveyed his precise impressions of Kolokotronis. In one of them (in 1824) he writes characteristically about Kolokotronis' attitude:
"Kolokotronis declared to me that he did not desire military rule. He told me: 'We demand a strong Administration with a President who will have the power to enforce the law. If the Government has no power, the bandits will become lords and the lords bandits , and he continued: "I do not want to be either King or President. I want a worthy man, whom the people will listen to, to establish order and I will be the first to give him my sword and obey him".
He also wrote: "Kolokotronis is the only man in the Peloponnese who has real power over the masses. The villagers see him as their protector. If he says something, the people follow him blindly.” He described him as a man with great natural intelligence, a practical mind and an unbending will.
When Greek politicians were quarreling, Hamilton wrote in his correspondence with London the following: “I sat and talked with the politicians of Greece and they seemed to me like children playing with their toys. Then I went to Kolokotronis’ camp and there I saw real men.”
When Kolokotronis was pushing for the election of Kapodistrias (1827), Hamilton secretly agreed and wrote to his government: “We may not like his prehistory with Russia, but Kapodistrias is the only Greek with European reputation and administrative experience who can bring order to this chaos. Without him, Greece will destroy itself before it is even free."
Oh Hamilton... how right you were....
The banker Blaquiere, who was also mentioned in the first part of the post, writes similar things in his own reports and in the books he published upon returning to London (such as Letters from Greece, 1824). He defended Kolokotronis, writing to the English that the politicians' accusations against him were slander and that the military were the only ones who sincerely wanted a strong, stable government to fight the Sultan.
*By "Our King" Kolokotronis refers to Constantine XI Palaeologos, the last emperor of the Byzantine Empire.
Excerpts taken and translated from a post by George Sigalas on facebook, who has also added the sources.
Sources: «Διήγησις συμβάντων της ελληνικής φυλής από τα 1770 έως τα 1836», Αθήνα, 1846 & Foreign Office (FO) 32 & Σπυρίδων Τρικούπης, «Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως», Τόμος Δ΄, Κεφάλαιο ΞΖ΄ (67ο) & Κωνσταντίνου Παπαρρηγόπουλου, «Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους» & Edward Blaquiere, «Letters from Greece, with remarks on the treaty of Alexandria» (Λονδίνο, 1824) & Απόστολος Βακαλόπουλος, «Ιστορία του Νέου Ελληνισμού», Τόμος ΣΤ΄ (Η Εσωτερική Κρίση 1822-1825), Θεσσαλονίκη & W. Alison Phillips, «The War of Greek Independence 1821 to 1833», Λονδίνο & Douglas Dakin, «The Unification of Greece 1770–1923», σελ. 48-52 (ή στην ελληνική μετάφραση του ΜΙΕΤ «Ο Αγώνας των Ελλήνων για την Ανεξαρτησία» & Κωνσταντίνος Παπαρρηγόπουλος, «Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους», Βιβλίον ΙΕ΄, Κεφάλαιο Γ΄ (Η Κυβέρνησις του Καποδίστρια και η Αντιπολίτευσις)]
Hello, Professor! This is really, really random, but I just wanted to say that I really appreciate you answering all our questions. I've learned a lot from you and you've really inspired me into continue doing my own research-not just Alexander but various other topics as well. Speaking of that, do you have any tips on how to research properly, especially these days with A.I everywhere? I'm finding that I end up on reddit these days because I can't find any other sources, but I never get anything from reddit, which is when I usually revert back to you. Anyway, thank you again!
Hints on Doing Research (online and off)
Thank you! I quite enjoy the opportunity here to do what’s called public or public-facing history. Ironically, y’all on Tumblr have made me an (even bigger) advocate of it because you ask such excellent questions on a wealth of matters where I can yatter on about the importance of historiography, etc. When I tell my colleagues, they tend to stare in disbelief—if pleased disbelief. It’s what led me to start the YouTube channel, as well. I’m not sure how much overlap in audience there is, but I’ve discovered some folks don’t like to read and prefer to listen while others (me included) prefer to read. So it reaches both sorts of audiences … if a rather niche audience.
In any case, it’s always nice to hear that folks appreciate these write-ups, especially as some (like this one) get lengthy. Now, to your question about AI and doing research…
Some bits of generic advice that a surprising number of folks don’t realize:
Bibliographies are your friends. But with a caveat…bibliographies list anything the author cites, even if that author disagrees with it. That’s good! It means you can find a variety of voices on a topic. So, once you find a (relatively recent) book or article on your topic of interest, always check the bibliography for more sources.
Indexes are your friends (as is the table of contents or TOC). If you want to hone in on highly specific topics (like, say, Hephaistion), check a book’s index. You can eliminate some just by looking at the TOC and index. BUT indexes work better with print books. Personally, I find them a pain in the ass for PDFs. So, this is a trick for a physical library, sitting in front of the shelves (DF200s for Alexander and Macedonia, btw. 😉) Unfortunately, and increasingly, libraries are ditching physical copies and only purchasing rights to ebooks. This fucks up an extremely useful analog way to research (see below).
Footnotes are your friends. I’m regularly surprised by how many students, even grad students, ignore the footnotes. Dudes and dudettes...that’s where the juicy stuff is: the in-field drama, the subtle (or not-so-subtle) disses…etc. If you read footnotes, you learn a ton about the directions, and parameters, of current research. Is someone’s work cited a lot? Especially with respect to a topic or question that interests you? Go to the bibliography and tag that book or article, so you can run it down for yourself.
The cutting-edge research usually appears in article or book-chapter form first. So rushing to pull a bunch of biographies on Alexander (or Philip, or Macedonia) won’t tell you where research is right now. It’ll tell you where it was 10, 20, even 30 years ago. Check EDITED COLLECTIONS and JOURNALS.
Useful definition time! An edited collection is a set of papers on a topic, each written by a different scholar and then assembled by an editor (or two or three). This differs from a monograph (=solo writing) by a single author (or two). If/when you cite a chapter from an edited collection, cite it by its author, not the editor. The editor didn’t write it (probably). Editors do often (also) have a chapter in their edited collection, but they didn’t write the whole thing. Example: Graham and I edited Macedon and Its Influences. Please don’t credit us for, say, Monica’s chapter. Monica would be (understandably) angry. Students commit this error ALL the time, even when I explain edited collections and do a jig to get their attention. TBH, I think they just don’t care. But I suspect they would if somebody attributed their hard work to someone else.
Let’s begin with finding things online (bear with me for this intro):
On the face of it, search engines are a miracle for researchers, especially those of us who recall the days when “search engine” = a card catalogue and book index…and indexes were expensive to produce before electronic document searches, so some books just didn’t have one. ARGH!
This is also where PDFs can be great, and perhaps why indexes are less used, as you can just run a document search for what you want.
Yet internet search engines, with their monetization and, now, AI summaries, have become increasingly useless. AI pulls material from a gajillion sites with little/no critical evaluation of quality…or even sometimes of the right topic. I’ve had students write about Philip II of Spain instead of Philip II of Macedon, because search engines confused them and the student didn’t bother to engage the All-Important Critical Reasoning Facility to verify who’s who.
My issues with AI are two-fold. First, environmentally, it’s an existential threat to us all. IMO, this should be the #1 concern. Full stop.
Yet it’s also a problem for human creativity. There are things AI can’t do, and THINK is one of them. It can compile and analyze data faster than I can blink, but after that, it’s stymied. It seems to me that—as usual—at least some humans have rushed to lionize a tool, claiming for it all sorts of things it manifestly cannot do. AI Tech Bros are just sophisticated snake-oil salesmen.
That said, AI does have important uses in history and archaeology: reconstructions of sites and broken images/texts, analysis of large sets of epigraphic evidence (such as curse tablets) to find patterns, linguistic reconstructions (see how AI can help “read” the charred Pompeii scrolls), etc. All of that is exactly what AI is well-suited for, so let’s not toss the baby with the bathwater. But you don’t need it to eat up water just to entertain you with a dancing dog in a tutu.
As for websites, always find out who wrote it. Most respectable educational websites will provide that information somewhere (check for a byline or in the footers for “who am I/are we?” links). If they don’t tell you, that’s a red flag. For larger “encyclopedic” websites, check who authored the entry. Just because somebody got an MA in history doesn’t mean they’re any sort of expert on Alexander beyond reading a couple bios or (maybe) taking a class. Do you want an article on Hephaistion written by Joe Blow… or by me (or Sabine), or at least by somebody who publishes on Alexander?
Anyway, forums with responses from humans (like reddit) have different issues, especially if you’re not a specialist able to evaluate the quality of what you’re being told. I’ve only used reddit once for plumeria information when generic “How to grow plumeria” websites failed me. On reddit, I got an answer to a very specific question about a very specific problem. But I already knew enough about plumeria to recognize whether the help was correct or likely bunk.
By contrast, scholarly books and papers already have that necessary gate-keeping. That’s what “refereed” means. The paper or book was sent to (at least 2) reviewers who are also specialists in the field. They return it with one of 3 responses: publish with minor revisions, revise and resubmit (more substantial revisions), or do not publish. It doesn’t see print until the issues are resolved. That means you can trust that the resulting piece is not complete cockamamie crap. (Usually. Verify that the publisher is academic.)
So how do you find these more reliable papers and books?
Google Scholar, JSTOR, & academia.edu
That’s the Holy Trinity of online (academic) search engines, although there are others too.
Google Scholar may be the place to begin. Don’t confuse this with plain ol’ Google, however.
The upside is that it collects anything and everything with even marginal academic bonafides, including PhD dissertations and MA theses. Also, it’ll pull book chapters and other things, including academic conference poster displays and Power-points (useful if you’re looking at archaeology or art history).
The downside is that same breadth. It does pull anything and everything without culling or curating. It’s up to YOU to check what that journal is, who publishes it, and do you trust it? Or run down who that author is, and can you trust them? These should always be questions in your head, btw, but they’re more necessary in some venues. And this is one of those venues.
Still, Google Scholar can create a nice list of articles for you to chase down. Because while some things you find that way may be free, many won’t be. SO, at this point, don’t pay for anything, just collect title, author, and journal/ publisher. There are several other venues for you to check before you buy it.
First stop….
JSTOR: a database of scholarly articles. It requires a subscription, or you can pay ala carte for the article you want. If you happen to be a student with a college/university library, your tuition is already paying for access, so use it. And if that library’s JSTOR doesn’t have the article, then ILL it.
What the hell is ILL? Interlibrary loan. It’s an agreement between libraries to share books and other material requested by a patron, either free or for a (usually minimal) fee. It’s basically a “wider world” library for you. Many people are wholly unaware it exists! Yes, it means an extra step, but most libraries—even public libraries—are part of the system. You just fill out a form (often online), to request the material, and provide the upper amount you’re willing to pay, typically for postage. These days, many things, especially articles, come electronically so that fee may well be nothing. That said, reference material and specialty texts may not be shared on ILL or have limited check-out/ special rules. Paolo Moreno’s Alexander the Great (ginormous art-history book) was originally “read onsite only.” As UNO faculty, I was allowed to take it for a 4-hour chunk to scan pieces of it back at the history department.*
Anyway, if you can’t get something via ILL, before you pay JSTOR, go to the journal website itself, which may well sell you a copy for notably less. For instance, you can get old papers from The Ancient History Bulletin for between $1-5. Check their archives. (And you’re directly supporting the journal!)
The chief pitfall of JSTOR (other than price/access) is that it provides journal articles, not book chapters, etc. In this era of a continually contracting number of journals, more and more of us publish in edited collections. I’ve had only 2 articles (of the last 8?) in a journal—both in Karanos, but because Karanos is open access, I doubt they even show up in JSTOR. (And if you’re into Macedonian history, bookmark Karanos!)
Which brings me to JSTOR’s second pitfall…
It runs on subscriptions. So even if you have access through your college or university (or other school), they buy a pre-curated list of journals. So your JSTOR may have The Journal of Hellenic Studies (JHS) and TAPA (Transactions of the American Philological Association, but nobody calls it that because it’s a mouthful). Both are top tier, but your JSTOR may not have Arethusa or Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies (GRBS) or The Classical Journal (CJ) or The Classical World (CW), much less The Ancient World (AncW, which had a ton of articles on Macedonia in the late ‘80s and ‘90s by important scholars, but is from a little publisher). Dozens of Classical/ ancient history journals exist, but unless you’re a Chicago or Berkeley or Princeton or Oxford, you probably can’t get some. And libraries no longer carry physical copies for you to browse, if the journal even publishes paper copies anymore.
Academia.edu is an alternative (sorta) to finding articles on JSTOR, especially for those who aren’t students. This is a public (free) archive site where scholars (and others) post their work. So again, before you pay for anything, check academia.edu in case the author put it up there.
And scholars don’t just post articles, but also book-chapters and sometimes even abstracts and select content from books. (Rarely, however, will you find an entire book.)
There are, however, a few issues to be aware of.
Anyone can make an account and claim expertise in anything. The “gatekeeper” is YOU. So if you run random searches for papers about ___, and you don’t recognize the author as someone you’ve seen cited, check their bio to find out who they are. (Here’s mine, just so you can see what you’re looking for.) Then, to be safe, Google that person to verify. Most people don’t lie, and if they do and are caught, the site bars them… but it’s still on you to be sure you’re not reading some undergrad’s term paper. lol
Second, articles published before c. 2005 can only sometimes be found there. That’s around the time journals stopped sending offprints and began sending PDFs. An “offprint” is a paper copy of the article, just like later PDFs. We used to get anywhere from 10-30 to send to colleagues via snailmail. Back in the Dark Ages. 😉
Some older scholars (like me) have made PDFs of these (or acquired PDFs via JSTOR), which they’ve then uploaded to academia.edu. But that assumes a certain amount of internet literacy, and, of course, people who are now dead aren’t sharing their material, unless a family member or former student does it.
Second, most recent material likely isn’t there. Virtually all publishers have a contract clause forbidding the public posting of material for anywhere from 2-5 years. Some scholars ignore this (and publishers don’t usually police it), but most do honor it because academic publishers survive off library purchases and by the skin of their teeth. We don’t want them to go away, so we don’t undercut their measly royalties. And neither should you. So, patronize libraries folks. Libraries keep track of what gets requested. Everybody wins.
Also, because it’s an automated database, academia.edu sometimes adds multiple “copies” of the same paper to our profiles. I’ve had as many as 3 listings for the same damn article, two blank (because I didn’t upload them). We don’t have time to clear this shit out, if we remember at all. Ergo, the site is full of “ghost” papers: e.g., just the title, added by the site itself. But at least 1) you have the title (and publishing information) to request it via ILL. OR 2) you can message (or email) the author directly, to request it. Alas, not everyone with an account there checks it. And some profs are notorious for just not replying to email, regardless. So, you might never hear from them. But hey, it’s worth asking… including for anything recent that may not be uploaded yet. Privately, we can share those things for research purposes. (But don’t ask them for a whole book unless you know them personally. That’s far more of a faux pas.)
So…. those 3 databases/search engines should get you a fair way with online research.
Now, let me tell you the Joys of the Analog Research World
Libraries are a bloody gold mine. They allow you to do something online research doesn’t… find related material without trying to puzzle out how to enter it in a search engine. Or deal with the mountains of useless AI slop. You just plop yourself down in front of the relevant shelves and start looking at book titles. Oh, the joys of the Unexpected Discovery!
You (mostly) can’t do that online.
I’ve only rarely entered a library and walked out only with the books I went in to fetch. *grin*
In addition, for research, I prefer physical books. Yes, I realize PDFs make these available more widely (and often cheaper due to paper costs). Libraries are switching to them too, which creates all sorts of issues. You can be in a university library, but disallowed to access online books not held (physically) by the library. It has to do with subscription costs. I discovered this at PSU. Despite being an alumnus and sitting in the actual library in State College on a research trip, I could use only books from their stacks. So when I got home, I had to turn around and ILL 6 of the books I needed that Penn State had access to…but not access for me, non-student/non-faculty. This is going to turn academic research into a nightmare, going forward.
Anyway, PDF books don’t work for me because I don’t just read them, I mark (and sticky-tab) the holy hell out of them. 😊
I also find it much easier to flip back and forth in a physical book, looking for or comparing something. Even with articles and book chapters, I print them out. Yes, yes, “a waste of paper,” except I’m not wasting it. I’m using it. The one advantage of PDFs (at least for my research style) is that, when it comes to edited collections (especially if I need only 1-2 chapters), I can yank those via PDF, then print them without hauling home an entire book. This is also why I really dislike “combined bibliographies” in edited collections. Even if it means a lot of repeated books in each separate bibliography, I want the bibliography for that paper, not all the papers. Especially if I’m printing out that chapter only.
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Here’s the thing: online searches yield a different sort of results from analog ones. So, it really behooves you to do BOTH. That’s why I’m a bit sad to see the analog research angle falling out of favor.
I think that’s quite enough on research. Happy reading!!!
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* Lending libraries make the ILL rules, not your own institution. The Moreno book is expensive and hard to find in the US (why I had to ILL it), but I’ve been allowed to take home books that cost twice as much. Some libraries are just stricter.
(I also published a somewhat edited version of this on my Blogger site.)
This is gold! Amazing advice from fantastic Jeanne 💚
Hello, Dr. Reames. Do you think Alexander was ticklish? Moreover, for some reason I think Alexander had a funny yet endearing laugh. Like the type of person whose laugh is funnier than the actual joke. What are your thoughts on that?
Alexander's Sense of Humor
We once kicked around this question in a (grad) class with Gene Borza, actually. Not the ticklish bit, but his sense of humor.
The class consensus seemed to be that Philip had the better sense of humor, but could be rather mean at times. That is, he was the one who'd twist something you said into something you didn't mean, but it was funny.
In contrast, we decided Alexander's sense of humor was more...pure? I could see him getting a kick out of the classic "dad jokes." BUT if he really didn't like you...watch out.
Alexander seems to have had a memory like an elephant for a slight. As evidence, recall the boatload (literally) of incense he sent back to Leonidas, his childhood tutor. All because the man had criticized a young Alexander for throwing a handful of incense on the fire when praying. He'd scolded Alexander, "You can be so profligate when you've conquered the lands that produces that incense." With the boatload of incense sent probably a decade later (which, incidentally, would have made Leonidas fabulously wealthy), came a one-liner: "Now you needn't be so stingy with the gods." This may never have happened, btw. It has all the hallmarks of a "moral lesson" suitable for sermonizing, and is found in Plutarch.
Anyway, as you can see, our opinions were just that: opinions, based on possibly bad evidence. Ha. We all just pooled what anecdotes we knew and a little human psychology. We thought Philip's humor would be darker partly as a survival tactic. He (probably) had a rough childhood, sometimes being uncertain for his own safety, in a way Alexander likely didn't experience. But be aware this is HIGHLY speculative! Sometimes kids who had a rough childhood in some way turn out to be kinder in their senses of humor. I've seen it go both ways with people. (My father was a good example of somebody who had a tough childhood in extreme rural poverty who absolutely could not stand humor that came at the expense of someone else. In contrast another family member who shall remain nameless was and is positively mean in her sense of humor.)
As for whether he was ticklish, between 60-80% of people are, so I'd say there's a high chance. I think I made him ticklish in Dancing with the Lion (and Hephaistion isn't); but that was more to contrast the temperaments of the two boys than based on anything. Also, I did use the above analysis of Philip's vs. Alexander's senses of humor for the novel, as well.
Edited to add: I forgot to address what his laugh sounded like. Obviously we don’t know, but we are told some interesting titbits about his voice/speech. He spoke (and walked) fast, and his vocal timbre was “barutes.” Some have read me explain that before. It means he was a Baritone. That probably suggests that when Alexander laughed it was on the deeper side. He could very well have had a funny laugh too, but probably not extremely notable.
Dear Professor, if I'm not mistaken, a recurring theme for the beginning of Alexander's campaign is how tight the financial and logistical margins were. I remember reading that the army couldn’t go very long without securing resources on the move (not just food related resources, but also financial ones).
How much of this picture is actually grounded in the ancient evidence?
And was Macedon’s financial situation in 336, when Philip died, meaningfully different from what Alexander had at his disposal in 334 when he set out for Asia, or was it about the same?
Finances on Campaign (or everything you didn't know you didn't know about warfare)
Alexander’s money situation up until Issos was dicey. Also, this is about to get a LOT longer than the asker probably imagined. (Why it took so long to write.)
TL;DR: prior wars in Macedon and prep for war in Persia left Alexander with squeaker finances when he crossed over into Asia. Although how much he had (and how in debt he was) varies with Arrian (for once) being the most extreme, putting him in debt at about 1300 talents (7.9.6). His supplies covered about 30 days of war, according to Duris (Plut. Alex. 15.1). Plutarch also quotes Aristobulos for 70 talents of silver, and Onesikritos for being 200 in debt. Curtius (10.2) says it was 60 talents of silver and 500 in debt. This can’t really be reconciled, but he’s essentially broke.
He HAD to win, and win fast.
When it came to money, Philip had similar issues. I’m not sure where the story is located—maybe Athenaeus?—but the soldiers “mutinied” at one point while they were in Thessaly because (like American TSA agents) they’d been fighting with only a promise of future pay. I put “mutinied” in quotes because it wasn’t as serious (apparently) as we hear later at Opis with Alexander, but they were NOT happy and Philip had to talk them down. My memory is placing it at a pool in a gymnasion or such, so it’s likely between king and officers, as the soldiers wouldn’t all fit in the building! Sorry, I don’t have time to run down the citation. But the fact that Philip paid his soldiers regularly (not just with loot)—yet they weren’t mercenaries—was itself an innovation. One he apparently introduced.
In any case, Philip’s finances went up and down because he waged war in areas that weren’t especially rich. And this brings me to an important point:
Where does money for war come from? There are a couple different areas that provide what we call “loot.”
But first, I want to note that war is expensive, and its profits (or losses) tend to be absolute. This differs from trade. Trade will be win-win, although the win is lower. War’s “win” might be quite substantial…but the possibility of (absolute) devastation only deepens the financial risk. Plus, a lot of the loot accrued goes to paying bills, or into the war chest for the future.
This is something rarely discussed in too many military histories. Alexander Meeus and James Lacey each provided a chapter in Anson’s Brill’s Companion to the Campaigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great, for those interested. In addition, Borja Antela-Benárdez talks about the slave trade in the second chapter of his book Alexander the Great in Love. There’s also Donald Engel’s old (and somewhat outdated) Alexander the Great and the Logistics of the Macedonian Army. So there’s your reading list. 😉
All right, so… early forms of war finances were simple, as were wars themselves. You go over the hill, beat the shit out of your neighbors, then take their stuff (e.g., loot). Or that’s the plan. Sometimes they fend you off and you go home empty-handed (and out the cost of the fight).
How this loot was collected and distributed varied. In some cases, it was a free-for-all, with soldiers grabbing whatever they could lay hands on…and sometimes other soldiers attacked them for it (and even killed them). This never entirely goes away, btw.* It was always a factor.
Over time, strong generals could impose a collection of the “best” stuff with whatever was left allotted to soldiers. This not only allowed for more even distribution but also tended to prevent post-battle killing over pricy loot. It also allowed the general/leader to recoup costs, and reward soldiers/leaders who he saw as particularly deserving.
That, btw, is what we often see happening in the Iliad. It’s why Achilles gets Briseis as a “war prize.” He earned her.
This is a fairly simple form of war funding.
Then an odd thing happened, at least in Greece. Kinglets were ousted and oligarchies took over. Individual landowners now outfitted their dependent farmers at need (yes, think Achilles’s Myrmiddons on a smaller scale). Sometimes they fought each other, sometimes they took jobs in foreign armies, especially in Asia (Assyria), and Egypt, as mercenaries. The pay came from these large ANE kingdoms, which provided a model both for funding extended campaigns and for offering regular pay to troops in addition to/in place of loot. Sure, the land-owner took the lion’s share of this, but his men got some too.
Back home in Greece, when city-state fought city-state, it was framed as an honor required for timē and the duty of citizens. As city-states increasingly granted more rights to their citizens—breaking the back of absolute oligarchies—the burden of funding these wars began to be spread among citizens, as well. Citizens weren’t paid and had to supply their own armor and supplies.
Thus, taking loot, either from the defeated (and dead) on the battlefield … or from farms they raided for supplies along the way, helped citizen soldiers recoup their losses. These battles tended to be relatively close, men marching for days, or maybe a week … not months on end. The loot was small as well. But being able to bring home a bit of bronze from some poor sod’s discarded helmet or shield … that could provide the new owner with the raw metal for tools (or armor) himself.
Again, hoplites (infantry) weren’t paid for military service, and social pressure tended to be enough to force engagement, at least throughout the Archaic Age. We DO start to hear about conscription by the time of the Peloponnesian War, but that was “a war like no other” (to quote Thucydides), and broke a lot of cultural “rules.”
In any case, the semi-voluntary nature of warfare created issues of both discipline and training. Farmers weighed the fear of death in battle (if they skipped training) against fear of starvation for themselves/their family if they didn’t get crops in the ground before summer battles. That said most battles were arranged around the planting season as most fighters were also farmers. In fact, the Southern Greek states screamed when Philip of Macedon took his professional army on the road all year.
The rise of democracy first in Athens, then elsewhere, continued the tradition of voluntary military service as part of citizenship duties, and by the time we get to the Peloponnesian War, we also have obligatory training and service for ephebes (boys c. 18-21ish), plus the rise of the conscription/draft, noted above. The expense of war increasingly fell on the state, which meant the wealthy within the state as part of something called a “liturgy.” No, obviously, not a church service. This was a state-demanded gift from the rich, such as (say) the cost of building a trireme.
It’s really in the Classical era that we begin to see the rise of paid soldiers. This owes to several factors. One was Athens’ payments to their rowers (1 drachma a day, or the typical day-wage). Yet these rowers belonged to the thetes (lowest citizen) class. Hoplites were typically a class (or two) above, and still fought without pay, while supplying their own armor. That said, we see the armor “requirements” going down. Gone are the days of a full panoply (below top) for most. Sometimes we see only a shield and helmet, as on the memorial for a young man apparently killed in battle (below). Heavy equipment is fading in favor of more maneuverability … but also, lower cost. The Classical era also sees the rise of the linothorax over the bronze breastplate. It was both lighter and cheaper (and still pretty effective; third below).
(This is from the Classical era, but he's wearing a more complete panoply w/ muscle cuirass. National Museum, Athens)
National Museum, Athens, note the only things he has are a helmet and shield.
(Etruscan in a linothorax, National Archaeological Museum of Florence; yes, he looks Macedonian, he's not, dates to c. 360)
After the Peloponnesian War, we also see a rise in mercenaries. Too many men lost their farms in the war, so turned to the only other thing they knew how to do: fight. That way, they could still earn a living. But this also matched a shift we see in other ways of financing war.
Wars became increasingly “professional,” and more often fought at a distance. Thus, war in Greece began to look more like war in the ancient near east, where campaigns might extend for months. Especially after the Peloponnesian War, “extended” warfare was normalized.
All that brings in the necessity of paying soldiers so they don’t have to support themselves via farming. Again, part of the gradual professionalization. (I’m ignoring Sparta here, btw; they were a somewhat unique system w/ helots.)
Other things we start seeing are military suppliers. Blacksmiths increasingly specialize (had been for a while) so we see the emergence of particular “city-state” helmet styles. The “Greek” helmet of pop media is really the Corinthian helmet worn in the Peloponnesos—not what Athenians wore, or Ionians, or Thebans, etc. (See below, actual helmets) We also have merchants who followed armies or sold to them when they were in the neighborhood. The Greeks aren’t really inventing the wheel here. They copied from the east. It’s just that up through the Archaic Age, there simply wasn’t that much demand for it in Greece.
A last comment before I return to Alexander. Food. They did not have the infamous MREs that my father hated so. Furthermore, they didn’t (really) have mess tents. This is partly a factor of no preservatives (beyond salt and some spices) and a holdover from short-range wars. Plus, grain is heavy…as is water, and oil. Those were the large demands. Soldiers were expected to supply themselves—either by bringing it with them, or by buying it. Hence the need for military suppliers.
This brings us to foraging (and ravaging). E.g., agricultural warfare (which is something Ann Haverkost and I wrote an entire article about). While they marched, soldiers (who were farmers, or had been, or had relatives who were) also often halted to gather food. You can carry only so much …especially of the heavy stuff. GRAIN was the #1 target of foraging. Fields would be harvested and/or burned. So invading armies wanted food for themselves, but also to deny food to the enemy. Ergo, secret storage “bunkers” in the hills might be used and (expensive) animals were sent elsewhere for safety. (Athens sent their flocks to Euboia in the early years of the Peloponnesian War). This was a particular form of “loot” gathering, in fact. You’re not taking it home to use/sell, but stealing food prevents the need to buy it. And, again, it denies that same food to your enemies. Ergo, after the battle, another battle follows for the losing/invaded side missing their winter stores. They might still die (of starvation).
It’s too easy to forget this side of combat. It’s not over in an afternoon. The devastation lasts, assuming the (defeated) survivors aren’t sold into slavery.
Finally: loot from battle itself.
This can range from taking things off the bodies of the dead—armor, weapons, luck trinkets that might involve precious metals/gems (most people carried amulets, etc.)—to stealing from rural homesteads during the march (very common), to stealing wholesale from defeated cities. The latter is why sieges tended to get especially nasty. People are literally fighting for their survival and all their worldly goods. Sieges are also where the really large numbers of slaves come from, including mixed gender.
Slaves are one of the big money-makers. Remember, ancient Greece had absolutely no connection between “race” and slavery. The chief way anybody became a slave was via war and capture. The second was to be born a slave (from those prisoners-of-war)—which is still indirectly by war. Ergo, it’s not really until after the Persian Wars that non-Greek slaves began to rise in number. Before that, they were exotica. Another quick reminder: a “foreigner” was simply a person not from your city-state. So, a Theban was a foreigner in Athens, or Corinth. Most city-states had rules disallowing citizens from owning (as a chattel slave) fellow citizens. But again, that’s just your city-state…not the one over the hill. (And this ignores debt-bond slavery, which is a whole ‘nother thing.)
Ergo we don’t get a lot of non-Greek foreign slaves until the Classical Era. In fact, the number of slaves at all in the Archaic Age is a much-fraught question due to institutions such as debt-bond slavery and other forms of dependent workers. They simply didn’t need chattel-slave field hands to the degree we see later, or in Rome. (Most of) Greece (minus Sparta) was a society that owned slaves…not a slave society. And those are two different things. Most families might have one slave, maybe two…if they had any at all.
This starts to change in the early Classical Era (post Persian-Wars), then gains steam with the Peloponnesian War and its widespread devastation of Greece due to the internal fighting. But it’s the wars of Philip, and especially Alexander that completely changed slavery with a veritable FLOOD of non-Greek slaves back into Greece. This is something Borja Antela-Bernárdez talks about in chapter 2 of his Alexander in Love. (I know, seems like an odd topic given the book title, but it fits; trust me.)
All right, that finally brings us back to Philip and Alexander.
Yet it’s important to understand the prior nature of warfare and financing warfare to understand why Alexander was broke when he invaded Persia. And why Philip (and Alexander) wanted to invade the east. “Revenge” (for the Persian War) was just propaganda and spin. PERSIA WAS RICH.
Of course, compared to the city-states of the Greek south, the Macedonian kings were rich too. Just not as rich as the Great King. Still, royal coffers funded wars, so wars returned money to those same coffers (along with mining, timber sales, and [some] agricultural work).
In Macedon, theoretically, the king owned all land, which he then loaned out to the Hetairoi by grant. Of course, that land had been in elite Hetairoi families for generations/centuries, but the king did have the right to take it back, even if he seldom used that right. The threat was there, compelling fealty.
Anyway, the Hetairoi managed this land for the king, and got much/all revenue from it. Who farmed it? Their dependent workers. Yes, this is a feudal system.
Furthermore, the king owned all logging rights and all mining rights. Limited logging rights might also be “loaned” to high-placed Hetairoi, and dependent workers on royal (or other) farms in summer turned into lumberjacks in winter. Timber and mining were the real money-makers as far back as Alexander I, so the king tended to retain most of these, but his workers couldn’t do it all. Alexander I sold boat-loads of timber (literally) to Athens in the Persian Wars for her fleet. YES, while fighting for Persia. (Ha.) Mount Pangaion yielded a talent of silver a day for him too. Philip later added gold mines to that.
Philip first changed some of this by separating dependent workers from their Hetairoi, and paying them to become soldiers. He could DO that (as Bill Greenwalt has noted) because half the army died with his brother Perdikkas up on the edge of Illyria in 359. That would have included a number of Hetairoi. And if those men no doubt had heirs, the power was sufficiently upset for Philip to make really substantial changes in his first five-to-seven years. Ed Anson has also talked about this in a great chapter in the edited collection that Tim Howe and I put together.
But what I want to underscore here was Philip’s institution of a PAID professional army … who are also citizens. Sparta sorta had this with their Homoioi, or Equals…the full-Spartan members of their army. They weren’t paid, but they were given farm plots (kleroi) which were worked by helot slaves. That divorced them from the need to farm so they could train as, essentially, professionals. The only other true professionals in Greece before Philip were mercenaries … who were indeed paid. But (importantly) NOT citizens of the cities for whom they fought. That made them untrustworthy in Greek eyes, if also increasingly a necessity.
By paying his men, Philip could professionalize them. AND because they were Macedonians, he created one of the first professional citizen armies in Greece, after Sparta. But in Sparta the full Spartans (Homoioi) were elites. They may have been trained, sure, but they weren’t former farmers turned soldiers; they were noblemen and acted like it. It’s part of the (modern) Spartan mirage to imagine these guys the same as modern army recruits. They’d be closer to kids at Westpoint Academy: destined for the officer class. (As were Macedonian Hetairoi.) Philip’s new(ly paid) soldiers are commoners, and ARE akin to modern army enlisted grunts hoping for a better life.
But that meant Philip did have to pay them. It was the assumed “contract.”
Which he could do, mostly. Because (again) Macedonian kings were bloody rich. (Just look at their burials. No really, follow that link and take a look.) This persistent notional that Macedonia was some country-bumpkin poor Appalachia of Greece is built entirely on Athenian propaganda. In fact, Macedonia was rolling in natural resources…which the king totally exploited!
But running an army is expensive because not only was Philip paying his men but also providing them with the sarissa (whenever that came into use, which is debated), as well as at least some equipment. And all the machinery of moving them around, including feeding them.
The thing is, if you create a well-oiled military machine that allows for successful conquest, not only will it become at least partly self-sustaining, but that very professionalism demands a war to fight in. Not unlike the Latin alliance system of Italy, which drove Rome to find a convenient war to get into each year to maintain her allies for later, “in case” she needed them. Same thing here. Philip made a lot of money off natural resources, but it wasn’t enough to fund the state and a professional army. Loot from wars enriched the kingdom, and the soldiers who fought for it… so they wanted more of it.
Ergo, let’s gooooo. (Find another war to fight to refill the bank.)
This is why Philip was sometimes out of money. He’d drained down his savings/income and needed to win (again) to fill it back up. And because cities in Greece and towns in Thrace and Illyria generally weren’t that rich, his victories were occasionally Pyrrhic. (E.g., he didn’t make as much as he spent.)
Following Philip’s death, most areas he’d conquered revolted (minus Thessaly and Epiros). Alexander spent two years reconquering them … and emptying his coffers in the process. He did receive some loot when Thebes was razed, but not all of it. (Some went to his allies, who’d been the ones to elect to raze the town, no doubt for revenge, but also goodies.)
Before he left, he threw a bunch of parties in classic “potlatch” behavior. He also had to outfit the army for the campaign. Unlike the Greek south, Macedonian kings subsidized campaigns as noted, especially weapons such as sarissai but also some armor for foot soldiers. Also food and supplies, which meant carts. And siege equipment, and their carts. Everything not only needed to be repaired and updated, but spares provided for the sarissai hafts, spear points and butt spikes, artillery equipment, etc., etc., etc.
It wasn’t cheap. Alexander also reportedly gave away some of the royal lands, perhaps as incentives. When his friends asked him what he was keeping for himself, he replied, “My hopes.” Or something like that. Truth was, he knew that if he didn’t win, he likely wouldn’t be coming home. In the taking of the throne, he’d eliminated all other viable Argead males except one: his brother Arrhidaios.
It was all or nothing.
So, when he crossed into Asia, he didn’t have much cash on hand, was in debt, and had limited supplies. But that was partly strategic: if he brought too much, they had to carry it. (More carts! And animals to pull them!) Plus having a limited supply incentivized his men to fight harder. They were literally fighting to eat. But he could take that risk because he moved into well-known territory partly under Parmenion’s control with the advanced force—at least around the landing point.
Yet it helps to explain why he was as eager as the Persians to force an early battle.
Even after Granikos, his logistics remained hand-to-mouth for a while, despite support from Asian Greek cities … which also explains why he was nice to them. He needed those supplies. It wasn’t until part of the Persian treasury fell into his hands after the Battle of Issos that he had sufficient funds to do something like sit down outside Tyre and wage a seven-month siege. Even then, he had sub-commanders running around the Levant demanding supplies.
I hope that absurdly lengthy review helps give insight onto something that isn’t “sexy,” and so doesn’t get a lot of airtime. How does one PAY for war? The military-bros don’t like to talk much about logistics. They’re boring. It may also explain why the video-game set isn’t thinking about the BILLIONS of dollars Trump is wasting blowing up shit in Iran.
But the chick rehabbing the career of Alexander’s chief logistics officer does think about this stuff. 😉 Hephaistion wasn’t made chiliarch for his pretty face.
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* This occurred during the sacking of Persepolis. Alexander reserved the entire palace area for himself, but after the initial battle, turned his soldiers loose on the town. It got wild and brutal, to the point Persians chose to immolate themselves in their own homes rather than be taken (to be tortured/raped), and Macedonian soldiers actually killed each other in pursuit of loot. Alexander finally had to step in and put an end to it. The point of the story was that Persepolis was SO rich, greed drove even the well-disciplined, already wealthy Macedonians to act like animals.
To understand the massive scale of Hephaestion’s funeral, Alexander spent 10,000 talents on it.
The equivalent buying power in today’s terms is between €6-9 billion.
It was massive, and reflects the absolute devastation and psychological collapse Alexander was going through, in addition to propaganda of honoring him as a hero-god to help with his elevation to divine status.
Why is it so damn tough to make a (decent) movie/series about Alexander the Great? AND what might be ways to fix that. (Hint: it's less about historical accuracy, more about figuring out what story you're telling.)
I've talked before here (several times) about ATG movies and series. Here's the video version.
Incidentally, I'm working on a rather long entry for an ask about doing research online, and off, so expect that soon.
My newest guest on the channel, Josh Nudell, who actually has his own social media presence that you may want to follow:
the aimless scribblings of a baking historian
I don't know if you answered this before, but how old was Olympias when she married Philip? I'm very interested on your view of her, It's very different than most authors. What asks/articles can I read to understand it better?
Olympias, Mother of Alexander the Great
Olympias was probably around 15 when she married Philip, and would probably have had Alexander at about 16, at most 17. That was a pretty standard age. Girls were traditionally betrothed after their first menses, and they seemed to start their menses later than we do now. In the case of Olympias, she was actually betrothed to Philip much younger, on the Isle of Samothrace during/after the initiations.
The deal would have been made between Philip's elder brother, King Perdikkas II and Olympias's uncle, who was regent for her younger brother, Alexandros. It would have been a backdoor deal between Macedon and Epiros against the power of Illyria under Bardylis. So contra the story in Plutarch, it was not a love match. 1) She was a little girl at the time, and 2) even if they'd hated each other on sight, the marriage would have been advantageous and gone through. (Beware of the "love matches" in the sources; they usually aren't.)
Driving around Epiros (see image below, 2nd is from Dodona), one gets a better sense of Olympias. It's rough country, compared to the lowlands. Families would have had to pull together there to survive, and the effort and work of women would have been required. The kingdom was not as absolute a kingship, and if the Molossian clan ruled, it was by consent of a council, who could remove kingship too. Alexander states at one point, observing when his mother and sister traded places, that his mother had made the smarter choice as the Macedonians wouldn't consent to be ruled by a woman. Apparently, the Epirotes would. And certainly Kleopatra had a great deal of power as regent for her son, when she was there. In this way, the Epirotes were perhaps closer to the Illyrians--also hill people, and among whom women could fight in combat.
In any case, Olympias would have been accustomed to more freedom and authority than she likely had in Pella. That may be one reason she clashed with Antipatros later, when he was regent, as well as with Philip occasionally. But clashes with Philip were exaggerated. They cooperated as much if not more than clashed, and any clashes were mostly as a result of offenses to the status of Alexander (or herself). In polygamous courts, the most important male in a wife's life wasn't the king but her son. If he didn't survive to take the throne, often she didn't either. So don't read Oedipal nonsense into that relationship. That's one reason I really disliked how Renault wrote Olympias, and how Stone directed Jolie to portray her in the movie (which is basically a direct steal from Renault).
Another important aspect for women in ancient Greece, Macedonia, Epiros, etc., was their role in religious rites. Olympias was a priestess, and Macedonia was rule by CLAN (the Argeads). So the women had specific roles to play, mostly in religion, but also in terms of dedications. We have information showing both Olympias and Kleopatra donating money to temples, etc., as did Philip's mother Eurydice...in her own name, not her husband's. And yes, that suggests some control over their finances, unlike women in Athens. I even put that in the novel; when Olympias interviews Kampaspe, she talks to her about a donation in Larissa, in the hopes of securing cavalry later for her son. That is precisely the sort of thing Macedonian royal women did.
I strongly recommend the work of Elizabeth Carney, if you want to know more about Olympias. Her biography is THE place to start. It's been out a while, so look for a used copy, or see if your local library has it, or can get it. Another article where Beth puts not a pin but a damn sword through the brutal image of Olympias in ancient sources is "Olympias and the Image of the Virago," Phoenix, 47.1 (1993): 29-55. The biography is a later work, but I point to that article as it really threw down the gauntlet to the (mostly male) Alexander scholars, about Olympias. As with the book, ask your local library to get a copy of the article for you via ILL (interlibrary loan).
It was Beth's work on Olympias that influenced how I portrayed her in the novels, even to using her other name, Myrtale, which I did to try to divorce her from ALL the horrible baggage. I did not want her to be a pushover--she manifestly wasn't--but all her actions have reasons, and reasons that aren't either jealousy or petulance. Even her objections to Hephaistion has nothing to do with jealousy of him and everything to do with what she considers a threat to Alexander's place as heir.
That's why I wrote "Two Scorpions," as one of the "outtakes" that occurs between the two novels, released between the publishing of book 1 and book 2. It's a confrontation between Hephaistion and Myrtale, and Hephaistion does not come out the winner, really.
In any case, I tried to make it clear that Myrtale is FAR from hated in the women's rooms. At one point, Alexander says his mother's women would die for her the same as his father's men would for him. And Myrtale is the only one to think of Kampaspe, when Alexander flees after the wedding. Hephaistion helps her, but because he almost falls over her when he goes to Alexander's room. Myrtale actually asks about her. Alexander more or less forgets her in all the hooplah. Myrtale doesn't.
I'll leave you with an interesting tribute to her. When the Greeks decided to build a trireme on the ancient model, back in the '80s, did they name it The Themistokles? Or The Perikles? No, they named her Olympias:
For Mother's Day, reblogging this post from five years ago....
I'm sorry if this sounds like a dumb question, but we hear about how much Hephaestion meant to Alexander all the time but never the reverse. Based on descriptions I'm inclined to believe otherwise, but how do we know they had a close mutual relationship at all? I feel like he could have also just been someone who knew how to make good use of the king's good graces.
Generally, I constantly wonder why there is so little known about him anyway? Considering that he was most likely the closest person to one of the greatest conquerors ever and ALSO had a high position in the military, it is strange to me that we know so little of him.
Why Don't We Know More about Hephaistion? (Or, one of the problems with Great Man history)
It’s not particularly strange to know so little given one important detail: Alexander didn’t outlive him by even a year.
In the Successor Wars that followed, it didn’t serve anyone to preserve his memory…especially not when they could elevate their own instead. This isn’t necessarily a matter of spite or resentment, but of simple ambition. Hephaistion was dead; he couldn’t help them. And he’d not been the king (seat of power), so elevating his memory couldn’t really help them to further their own. Unlike elevating Alexander’s memory, as their power came as a result of being his officers.
Also, we do know a fair bit about him compared to others—now virtual unknowns—who during Alexander’s lifetime were apparently pretty important individuals.
How many of you—WITHOUT racing to Google—can tell me anything about Aristonous, or Peithon? These were members of his personal bodyguard (Somatophylakes). And no, that does not make them faceless Men in Black/Secret Service. All Somatophylakes were quite highly placed Hetairoi from families as important as Hephaistion’s, maybe (probably) even more so.
Truth is, we know about those around Alexander who went on to become Successors, or who played pivotal roles in the drama (like Eumenes). Aristonous served those men instead…so you’ve never heard of him. Peithon might be slightly better known as he became a satrap, but he faded behind Seleukos and Antigonos and Perdikkas.
Even Krateros is unknown to the average person with only a passing interest in ATG. Kleitos is better known, and when I mention Krateros to non-specialists, they often confuse him with Kleitos … “Oh, is he the one Alexander killed in a drunken rage?” Nope. I couldn’t convince the Netflix people to include him even though he went on to become the second most important person in the empire at the end of Aleander’s life, after Hephaistion. From their point of view, his wasn’t a “recognizable” name.
So, I think it can sometimes help to get a sense of expectations. History written in that time was very much "Great Man" history, where the focus was on a particular individual and others would appear in the spotlight only when they walked on stage to interact with him.
As I’ve collected all ancient references to either Hephaistion or Krateros, it’s pretty clear that, even in the Roman world, Hephaistion was better-known. And he certainly had a much longer afterlife into the medieval and Renaissance worlds. The only surviving figures from the court to be remembered in greater detail were those who established dynasties of their own, such as the Ptolemies, Seleucids, and Antigonids. Or Eumenes, because Plutarch wrote a Life about him.
In the end, whatever you do won't matter if nobody remembers it--and writes about it. I'm opening my monograph on Hephaistion and Krateros with this famous line from Hamilton:
"Who Lives, Who Dies, Who Tells Your Story?"
Cette image représente la sculpture connue sous le nom "d'Alexandre Rondanini", identifiée comme une représentation d'Alexandre le Grand (Alexandre III de Macédoine) datant d'environ 330 av. J.-C.
An Alexander-Herakles in Nebraska? Maybe. :-)
I was thinking about this and, did Alexander leave behind letters about his private life? Like letters to his mother or sister or whoever else, talking about himself? If so, has their content been completely lost?
He wrote a lot of letters, or at least that seems to have been the case. Plutarch had access to a lot of them, so they weren't immediately lost. But he would have been writing them with an assumption that they might later be collected and read by strangers (as that was sort of a thing). Ergo, we may assume, I think, that anything he wrote would have been at least somewhat "curated." And even if some letters were personal or contained what we'd call "state secrets," anything too explosive/secret would almost certainly have been destroyed by the one receiving it. If it were kept, the assumption tended to be that it was meant for publication, either at the time or sometime later.
The notion of writing down highly private thoughts and feelings wasn't really done, at that point in history, except in the form of lyric poetry. And even that was meant to be shared. But anything like a modern "diary" simply didn't exist yet.
What was written down expanded across time, as humans learned new uses for writing. The earliest writing concerned record-keeping: taxes, essentially. Then lawcodes, then religious instructions, etc. Stories were, actually, among the later things written down.
In any case, in Greece by the middle/end of the Hellenistic age, if you could imagine it, they were probably writing it. But during Alexander's lifetime, that "explosion" of written material was really just beginning.
There's a recent book on Alexander's letters by Giustina Monti. Reviewed here by Bryn Mawr. You can get a copy, although be aware these are more mentions of letters than transcripts. Most come from Plutarch. There are virtually no surviving examples of actual letters. Arrian might contain one in official correspondence between Darius and Alexander. Almost everything else references "letters about" rather than the letter itself. That's unfortunately the state of our evidence.
Note that the price for the paperback is quite reasonable!