Guatemala: A Post-Conflict Nation?
Guatemala is often referred to as a post-conflict nation. The country ended 36 years of civil war in 1996 when a “firm and lasting peace” was signed between the government and a coalition of guerrilla groups. Yet, if peace was signed nearly 20 years ago, why is there still so much violence in Guatemala?
Today there are no battles between government and guerrilla forces. Young men (as well as a smaller number of young women) are no longer scooped up off the streets to serve as combatants, nor are curfews enforced by “shoot on sight” rules. Thankfully, there are no scenes of spectacular violence like the frequent bombings seen on CNN in Syria, Afghanistan, or Iraq. Instead, conflict in Guatemala takes the form of a slow but ever so steady bloodletting of murders, kidnappings, robberies, and violent assaults. In fact, between 2000 and 2010, 4,929 people were murdered per year on average, while it is estimated that 4,166 people died per year on average during the 36 year civil war (original source-log-in required). Yes that’s right, more Guatemalans are being murdered today then during the civil war years. Why is this?
Guatemala represents a cautionary tale of what happens when the root causes of conflict are never addressed.
When the peace accords were signed in 1996, combatants from both sides never laid down their arms and integrated peacefully back into society. During the civil war young men were taken away from their family and trained to fight, how could they be then expected to go back to their life as it was before? What education or skills did they have besides knowing how to wage war? Hence many former fighters are now the leaders of the criminal gangs (or they are their enforcers) engaged in trafficking drugs, people, and carrying out the daily laundry list of executions, extortions, and kidnappings. The poor state of education and employment in Guatemala is also a root cause. Many lower-income adolescents in urban areas face three choices in Guatemala; join a gang, be killed for not joining a gang, or make the dangerous trek across Mexico and cross illegally into the United States. Still another main cause for the violence is the systematic discrimination of the indigenous Mayan. Lack of investments in education, infrastructure, and land rights reform drives many to engage in criminal activities to support themselves and their family.
Although the Peace Accords were signed more than 15 years ago, whenever I ask Guatemalans what has changed, nearly all say nothing at all. In a testament to the crushing violence, just last night 8 police officers were found murdered execution style in their very own police station located in the center of a relatively large town (News article-In Spanish). Their chief has been kidnapped. Like most Guatemalan kidnap victims, he will most likely turn up dead in a few days after being tortured. Preliminary reports state this police unit recently detained several bodyguards of a powerful drug lord. Two trucks pulled up to the station around 9PM, and men dressed in military uniforms executed the 8 police officers and took the chief (his radio was found along a highway leading to the Mexican border). The message is clear; interference by anyone (even the Guatemalan government) will be met with swift revenge. How could this happen? In the United States when two or more police are murdered in one act, federal, state, and local authorities dedicate enormous amounts of investigative resources, swiftly investigate and nearly every time, bring those responsible to justice. In Guatemala, unfortunately, this brazen act of violence is not unprecedented. The Guatemalan Human Rights Office estimates that only 6% of murders result in a conviction. If you murder someone in Guatemala, you have a 94% chance of getting away with it!
How is this relevant to Development? Andrew Wainer, a senior immigration policy analyst at Bread for the World Institute, recently wrote an article arguing for greater integration of U.S. foreign assistance and migration policy in Latin America. He called for creating a baseline assessment of the factors driving unauthorized migration to the U.S. Similarly, development agencies should integrate country-specific drivers of conflict into their projects. Much of this is already happening in development work (USAID conflict publications) in Africa and the Middle East. However, is the conflict-development nexus being paid sufficient attention to in Guatemala and other nations which suffer not from headline news worthy violence, but endemic impunity, weak institutions, and high crime rates? Because for Guatemalans it is clear: they do not live in a post-conflict nation.