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@lacunametata
My project is a rendezvous I give myself on the other side of time, and my freedom is the fear of not finding myself there, and of not even wanting to find myself there any longer.
Sartre, Being and Nothingness l
The future is fixed, dear Mr Kappus, but we move around in infinite space.
Rainer Maria Rilke, Letters to a Young Poet
Life in this society being, at best, an utter bore and no aspect of society being at all relevant to women, there remains to civic-minded, responsible, thrill-seeking females only to overthrow the government, eliminate the money system, institute complete automation and destroy the male sex.
Valerie Solanas, SCUM Manifesto
This Paradigm of anti-politics and self-abolition, as nihilistic as it could read, makes me think of the energetic and productive work of E.P Thompson and Jacques Ranciere in their works on working class histories and their challenge to deepen the contradictions of the otherwise flattening sociological categories of "Class".
I'm also reminded of an amazing passage by Jameson (that I've since lost track of!) about solidarity constituted by difference.
Certainly beyond the hopes or illusions of having superseded Brechtianism, we are finding today what was - behind the pedagogic parade - Brecht's great concern, the great Brechtian myth: to redeem words and images from their exchange value (into power) in order to return them to a new use (into freedom).
Jacques Ranciere, "The Cultural Historic Compromise" published as part of "The Intellectual and His People"
first thoughts on Jumana Manna's "A Magical Substance Flows Into Me"
I saw Jumana Manna’s moving and difficult “A Magical Substance Flows Into Me” last night. A day out and I’m still thinking about the quiet and compelling curtness with which it attempts, and ultimately denies, a musical history of Israel-Palestine. There’s something very important, I think, in her sensitivity to sub-histories, to historical ellipses, to History’s blind spots, that I’m struggling to articulate. Here’s my attempt. From the spectre of Robert Lachmann, a German-Jewish ethnomusicologist of the 1930s whose work on Palestinian music inspired Manna, to the collection of historical and archival material that pepper and punctuate the film, we’re initially led to expect a historical exposition of the music of this ancient and fraught land. Here already History looms large, threatening to consume the entirety of the project: how to talk about the music without talking about the war, the violence, the daily apartheid? We’re not given an answer, but instead find ourselves returning to a reframed question. So much of this reframing also occurs on the filmic and narrative levels, and I think much of the film’s revolving complexity is how it eludes History (History’s over-determinant narratives) in the same stroke that it frustrates the habits of watching we’ve learnt to take to films supposedly like this one. Where we expect Lachmann’s notes to structure and explain the music in a scene, we instead find its inadequacy, its uneasy and confusing coexistence with beautiful and sprawling music that exists somewhere between past and present, that is largely unexplained yet so arresting, that defies the easy enclosure of historical accounts, and even frustrates the facile framing of the camera. The same in fact goes for the people and traditions surrounding the music, often coming on and going off screen unaccompanied by filmic credits or preceded by context, whose identities and histories we hardly know, yet are treated with a tender and inquisitive intimacy, as though this were a space of understanding unencumbered by the need to know. Shorn of the Historical imperative, what we’re left with is a patient reconciliation with this gap of intelligibility, a curiosity about this weird crevice of not-fully-knowing that folds in so much of the quiet complexities of personal lives and everyday stories, where nonetheless beauty and magic might reside.
"The enormous energy of the twentieth century, enough to drive the planet into a new orbit around a happier star, was being expended to maintain this immense motionless pause."
J.G Ballard, Crash
Interstellar - the perfect Liberal parable
Christopher Nolan’s Interstellar is haunted by a spectre it principally cannot recognize. Where the “ghost” elliptically referred to at the beginning of the movie provides an all-too-tidy circularity of plot, this one shadows the film like its guilty conscience, always threatening to erupt unsummoned, to blow up the film’s coordinates. It is paradoxically unremarkable that a science fiction epic premised on a dystopian future contorts itself just to deny the implications of this spirit for a world in crisis, for its name is simply Politics. The film attempts to sidestep this shade, ironically enough, by recourse to the reassuringly post-political triptych of the transcendental-mystical-Love, only to find itself finally distorted into a shadow of the epic it promised to be at the start.
To begin with, the film makes clear that it is not interested in politics, and despite positing a politically charged situation prefers to ignore the potentialities of its premises. A dystopian world that unmistakably approximates to our climate-change future is hesitantly reasoned away as arising from naturally occurring forces acting independently of Man. Quaintly set exclusively in mid-west America, we also curiously see no presence of an American government otherwise presently comfortable with flagrant infractions of civil and constitutional rights in the fight against imagined problems (cf Ferguson, drones, NSA, discriminatory policing, etc.) except in the de-politicized scientific authority of a NASA now planning to shoot people off into space to colonize other planets. Incidentally the film doesn’t deign to raise questions about who decided colonizing other planets would be a good idea, who gave it approval, who decided who should be the ones undertaking the mission, etc. All we know is that the outcome of these questions, if they were indeed given the chance to stand as questions rather than hastily foreclosed preludes to an answer pressed with ideological obviousness, comes to be delivered in the figure of a physicist named Brand.
Funnily enough, its politics consists precisely in substituting for these questions of the Political a very simple moral binary that takes shape in the two plans proposed by Brand: Plan A – SAVE EARTH: create a space-station that can house the remaining Earth population who will then travel towards the newfound planet for repopulation. Plan B – DITCH EARTH: leave the people there to die, and focus on colonizing the new planet with the frozen embryos that have been stored on Cooper’s spacecraft. For convenience, this binary will henceforth be referred to as paradigm 1.
The problems with positing such a paradigm almost immediately begin to surface – how to frame the fate of an entire civilization in the otherwise incidental ethical agency of an Individual? Of course it deserves recourse to the Hero-Villain tradition; our good-hearted protagonist then stands committed to the humanism of plan A, while the potentially nihilistic plan B comes to be embodied in the rather fascistic vision of Mann, the previous captain of the Lazarus mission. Mann tries to kill Cooper before attempting his hijack of the main mission spacecraft because, unlike our Hero, he believes that plan A was only ever an ideality, and that the mission can only succeed in the form of plan B. While rhapsodizing about the necessity to “save humanity by sacrificing humanity,” Mann’s fate can only follow that of all other villains; his psychotic vision is too much to bear and the film has him die.
The problem is that despite killing the person of Mann, the film leaves alive the pressing pragmatism of plan B for which he stood, in fact finding it now an increasing reality as it is revealed moments before that Brand himself only ever meant for plan A to be a ruse for Cooper to undertake the mission, and that all bets were on plan B to begin with. In fact Mann dies not without leaving the main spacecraft, and the mission by extension, so profoundly compromised that the possibilities of realizing plan A are entirely writ off.
Thus paradigm 1 necessarily collapses in on itself, as the film is unable to make the debilitating choice between the alternative fates of the mission, and by extension Humanity. That is, the ethical paradigm fails to fulfill itself, let alone contain the “intolerable closure” of the Political it was initially meant to mediate and repress.
And indeed the film’s political unconscious here presses in against its cinematic frame and threatens to distort the film’s texture as the earlier questions about the premises of the film return with added weight. For example, there is a curiously counterintuitive moment featuring Cooper’s now adult daughter, Murphy (incidentally a physicist at NASA), who, while driving pass a jam-packed road of otherwise faceless townspeople caught in the middle of a sandstorm, notices a pallid white girl sitting out in the open-air cargo area of a van that is bursting at the seams with the family’s belongings. Murphy is obviously having a significant spiritual and emotional connection (that later reads as a catalyst for her eventual theoretical breakthrough) with this girl who is now coughing hysterically in the midst of the sandstorm. As the camera zooms in on Murphy’s introspective face, we notice at the corner of the frame an entirely empty backseat in her air-conditioned pickup; the scene ends. Where the moment inadvertently raises questions about resource division and otherwise sets you up to expect throwaway gestures towards some semblance of charity, the film substitutes an abstract, individuatory spiritual experience garnished with an aestheticized cute girl on the cusp of death. Cue also other shockingly unreflexive sequences featuring a fully furnished NASA facility peopled with healthy physicists and engineers spliced with scenes of a desolate agrarian community made increasingly sick from the arid Earth surface and struggling to find food and healthcare; on an Earth beggared of natural resources, resource scarcity can be a thing for our most basic needs, but never for the grand task of building spaceships.
Incidentally the film hastily reasons away this otherwise ugly depiction of an apocalyptic division of resources with only the most hackneyed of ruling class ideology regarding the division of labor: “It’s like we’ve forgotten who we are… Explorers, pioneers, not caretakers ... We’re not meant to save the world. We’re meant to leave it.” What this gracelessly justifies is a covert NASA secretly funded by tax monies taken from people the film derogatorily depicts as myopically concerned with the pragmatics of survival, and who must remain ignorant of the truth if the necessary actions for their wellbeing are to be undertaken (this presumably being the project of imperialistic interspace colonization involving and directed by a select few). Thus, an organisation working partly in the shadows to sidestep the shade of Politics for the sake of saving that suspiciously post-political subject called “Humanity.”
‘Unhappy is the land that needs a hero.’ – Bertolt Brecht, The Life of Galileo[1]
Is it so surprising then, that paradigm 1 had to fall? It necessarily implodes because the film from the beginning could never differentiate its politics from those of Mann. Mann was only the most explosive manifestation of the film's guilty conscience - its fundamental distrust of the People, and by extension the democratic project of which the latter are fundamental constituents. The ascendance of the Villain maims the film’s narrative and rhetorical structures so profoundly because it incisively makes clear the ambivalence in the film’s unifying maxim, one that is incidentally delivered by its Hero: “We’re not meant to save the world” could refer to both the planet and humanity.
This brings us back to the Hero-Villain dichotomy. Sure Mann dies, but he takes along with him the symbolic role of the Hero from Cooper. Beggared of its moral gravity, the film threatens to mix the two of them up. Post-Mann, the film’s dirty secret, its political unconscious, threatens to erupt.
To save Cooper, and itself, the film needs something truly monumental. To avoid the political abyss, it tellingly opts for the physical abyss of a Black Hole.
The Black Hole is quite literally the black hole of politics, for its artificial intervention allows Nolan to suspend the pressing realities of the film’s premises (paradigm 1) in favor of a new terrain focused entirely on the Personal, that is the space of paradigm 2 – the transcendental-mystical-Love. Inside this kernel of the Universe’s mysteries, previously implied promises of discoveries that might save Earth are momentarily forgotten, and the film instead posits a domain exclusively dominated by the intricacies of Cooper’s life; literally scenes from his family life form the very material structure of the space, and it is his spiritual and emotional connection with his family that allows him to physically manipulate this space. Thus the time-tesseract depicting infinite scenes of Murphy’s childhood bedroom; thus Cooper sending messages to an adolescent Murphy trying to right his past wrongs for abandoning her and his family; thus also the gimmicky reveal that he was the ‘ghost’ communicating to her at the beginning of the film. It is significant that it is inside this domain of the Personal that the film strains to posit such an artificial circularity of plot, that it tries to tie its loose ends, because the entire sequence is precisely meant to shortcircuit the failed trajectory of the narrative as carried along by paradigm 1, and to retroactively substitute for it what is nothing more than a love parable between a Father and a Daughter.
“It seems useful, therefore, to distinguish from this ultimate subtext which is the place of social contradiction, a secondary one, which is more properly the place of ideology, and which takes the form of the aporia or the antinomy: what can in the former be resolved only through the intervention of praxis here comes before the purely contemplative mind as logical scandal or double bind, the unthinkable and the conceptually paradoxical, that which cannot be unknotted by the operation of pure thought, and which must therefore generate a whole more properly narrative apparatus – the text itself – to square its circles and to dispel, through narrative movement, its intolerable closure.”
- Fredric Jameson, Political Unconscious
Don’t get me wrong. The Black Hole sequence, and its ancillary introduction of the Personal domain, is not meant to repress the politics we wish it would practice. It is the Black Hole of the film’s own mediated politics, one that had to be suppressed as it now threatened too much. The film then doubly tries to escape the “intolerable closure” of its political unconscious, and frantically resorts to the idiosyncratic inner life of its character, now bolstered by a transcendental spiritualism, to construct a domain it imagines to be perfectly neutered of the politically-charged signifiers it initially inherited with paradigm 1; better elements of an inner life in crisis (that can easily be posited and solved by filmic intervention) than the potentially political elements of a world in crisis (that constantly escape easy editing).
Of course paradigm 2 occasions implications for paradigm 1 – before the close of the sequence, Cooper receives data about the ‘singularity’ from the disembodied voice of TARS who has inexplicably chanced upon it off-screen, and he transmits it to Murphy who, deciphering it, somehow manages to save Mankind. By the end of the film, paradigm 1 isn't so much rehabilitated as it is magically resolved; it simply posits the breezy utopian vision it imagines we demand. But the happy ending is a result of such an incidental convergence of off-screen coincidences that originate from paradigm 2, that the civilizational panorama now stands eclipsed by the abrupt ascendance of the Personal domain.
I think it is through this schema of the film’s pained contortions and strategies that we can come to understand those absurd moments that bewilder any common sense.
Climactic scenes such as those where Murphy and Cooper finally reunite at the end of the film; an 80 year old Murphy is on her deathbed surrounded by 3 to 4 generations of her spawn, and Cooper swoops in only to be swiftly dismissed by a dying daughter who now believes he should go back out into Space to pursue the romantic afterthought of his mission colleague Amelia. They’ve not seen each other for decades, so much of the film’s later half is premised on their compromised father-daughter relationship, the whole of its previous half is saved by their supposed transcendental Love for each other, and yet no more than a minute of Hello and Goodbye is dedicated to the scene. Not to even mention the noted absence of any questions about planet Earth, the final stages of mankind’s exodus, Humanity’s current state, etc.
This should also include scenes that now re-read as patently absurd from a Leftist perspective. Post-Black-Hole, Cooper awakens from his mini-coma in a hospital room surrounded by a doctor and a nurse. The doctor tells him that he’s on Cooper station, and Cooper vocalizes appreciation at being canonized. At this point the Nurse bursts out laughing but can hardly articulate her thoughts; she defers the camera’s gaze and looks in anticipation at the doctor, who tells Cooper that the station has been named after his daughter and that he’s been mistaken. A century or so has passed since the film’s posited beginnings, planet Earth has collapsed, mankind faced and then survived extinction, and at the veritable happy end the professional hierarchy stays perfectly unscathed and unchanged - subordinate nurse has to defer articulateness to the superior authority of the doctor. Cue also snapshots of the spacestation terrain as a perfect replica of ideal suburban America – potted terraces tucked into their respective plots by lush green lawns and white fences with kids playing on a baseball field. We take only our most banal aspirational visions of the good life with us till the very end. Nuclear families, landed property, professional hierarchies, recreational economy, heterosexual romance, the colonial project – the world can end, and mankind can be forced into all sorts of existential contortions, but these can never change. At the end of the day, we survive only to take Capitalism, Heterosexuality, and Whiteness (imperialism writ large) along with us to colonize the rest of the Universe.
Frustrations with the forced narrative closure have led to a rather perverted reading made of the Black Hole sequence and what follows after – that Cooper died somewhere along the way and all of it was a dream of his. It tempts an easy dismissal because of its conspiracist air, but I don’t think we should let the texture of that frustration go to waste. What if it isn’t so much Cooper’s dream, as the film’s dream? And what if the film’s dream is in fact Liberalism’s dream?
To posit an easy political resolution as an afterthought to a personal parable is a dream not peculiar to Interstellar, not even to Christopher Nolan, but to the project of which the two are only some of the most adept progenitors – the Liberal project of the 21st Century. It is a hallmark of Liberalism to think politics through the prism of personages, to imagine History as the product of Man, and specifically of some men. More importantly, as a political project whose present dominance was borne of the devastating dramas of the 20th Century, Liberalism confronts politics the same way Interstellar posits the figure of Mann – it misreads political demands as existing within the binary of 20th Century Communism and Fascism, and then further conflates these two distinct political programs within a singular figure defined by its unintelligibility and singed with a Fascistic metabolism threatening explosive violence. It then begrudgingly suffers the political domain only as a marginal force, whose technicalities are to be handled partly in the shadows by the knowing expertise of a select few (cf NASA in Interstellar); Democracy is a luxury Liberalism cannot afford.
The impossibility of imagining a future other than haphazardly positing one so absurdly similar to our present it could hardly survive the vagaries of History is a defining trait of Liberal ideology – the universalizing of present social relations as existing unchanged in the past as they will in the future.
The ossified sameness of Interstellar’s breezy post-apocalyptic utopia should be read as the bankruptcy of the political vision of a world evacuated of politics; Liberalism holds no future for us.
[1] Bertolt Brecht, Galileo, ed. Eric Bentley, trans. Charles Laughton (New York: Grove Press, 1966), p. 115. Thanks to Tristan Burke for directing me to this quote.
Passing thoughts on Interstellar
Christopher Nolan's wager with Interstellar was that Batman wasn't good enough. Reactionary vigilante as he was, he was too political. Even his suspicions of the ignorant masses (a la "there is a fundamental lie at the heart of society, of which people can never find out because they're just too stupid to handle it") confronted the issue too directly. To approach the Political, even via highly mediated visions of "saving humanity (from itself)," threatens a potentially fascistic metabolism by virtue of being political, seen in Interstellar via the truly psychotic vision of Dr Mann.
Setting this fallen hero against Cooper, the reasonable Liberal who sublimates pretenses at saving humanity into his part-selfish part-loving attempts at protecting his family, the message (!) is hard to miss - better think the problem of the end of civilization through the prism of a contorted love parable than a consistent reckoning with the inevitably political conclusions whose premises the film capitalizes on.
The yearning for the transcendental (LOVE as the FIFTH DIMENSION) accompanies a political vision of a world evacuated of politics, where the groveling mob is to be denied on all fronts, and where "saving humanity by sacrificing humanity" is a terrifying but nonetheless tempting trace for Liberal ideology.
Working Through Chris Taylor's "On the Locution: 'Check Your Privilege!'"
Thoughts on the contradictions and complexities of Identity Politics, policing discourse, "Checking Privileges" and tangentially the piece by Adeline Koh on Chinese Privilege in Singapore:
[Much of this is an attempt to work out this great critique of “privilege-checking” by Chris Taylor, which you should read before reading below]
"The personal is political" is a catchy, otherwise handy formula with which we can think through how Identity Politics' most esoteric concepts find ready application in the messy sprawl of real life. Part of this impulse to relate the lives of human subjects to the structural relations (of domination and discrimination) which write themselves on human bodies finds trendy expression in the locution "Check Your Privilege".
Often deployed by progressive types in calling out people who are ignorant of their various 'privileges' (race, class, gender, sexuality, etc.), this charge aims to radically bridge the gap between the otherwise ignored micro-aggressions of real life and the systemic inequalities that exist, that is to re-introduce the political into the personal by relating the personal to the political, via a direct interpellation of subjects - abruptly awakening them to the structural realities that they suddenly find themselves complicit in, and hoping for this ethical conscientiousness to thereby lead to changed individuals who will have "Checked their Privilege(s)" and stopped enacting ugly political realities.
The primary mode of engagement thus tends to be in policing discourses, where the conjuncture of the political, ideological and personal (ethical) is ripe for critical picking. Yet more often than not the locution is bandied about in a counter-productive fashion, symptomatic of the caricatured Identity Politics that the ones doing the policing claim to speak on behalf of. Most of the times the discourses are adjudicated according to reductive subjectivities/narratives pegged to people via superficial identification (e.g. Privileged – bad, Disenfranchised – good). Admittedly it works on this plane to combat structural inequalities that write themselves onto human subjects in similarly superficial ways – it thus meets the enemy on the enemy’s ideological terrain, and by inverting its logic, uses the enemy’s tools against it. An immediate concern is that insofar as it is opportunistic, it remains an “ideological answer” (Althusser, Reading Capital), one that threatens to respond to dispersed structural inequalities with humanist (read: ideological) myths about personal agency and “ethical relationality.”
“’Labor’ is presented as a connexion between the elements of the mode of production, and therefore its constitution, as an object of history, depends entirely on a recognition of the structure of the mode of production. We can generalize this comment and say that each of the elements of the combination (Verbindung) undoubtedly has a kind of ‘history’, but it is a history without any locatable subject: the real subject of each component history is the combination on which depend the elements and their relations, i.e., it is something which is not a subject.” – Etienne Balibar, Reading Capital
“That human, i.e. social individuals are active in history – as agents of the different social practices of the historical process of production and reproduction – that is a fact. But, considered as agents, human individuals are not ‘free’ and ‘constitutive’ subjects in the philosophical sense of these terms. They work in and through the determinations of the forms of historical existence of the social relations of production and reproduction (labour process, division and organization of labour, process of production and reproduction, class struggle, etc.). But that is not all. These agents can only be agents if they are subjects. This I think I showed in my article on “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses.” No human, i.e. social individual can be the agent of a practice if he does not have the form of a subject. The ‘subject-form’ is actually the form of historical existence of every individual, of every agent of social practices: because the social relations of production and reproduction necessarily comprise, as an integral part, what Lenin calls ‘(juridico-) ideological social relations, which, in order to function, impose the subject-form on each agent-individual. The agent-individuals thus always act in subject-form, as subjects. But the fact that they are necessarily subjects does not make the agents of social-historical practices into the subject or subjects of history. The subject-agents are only active in history through the determination of the relations of production and reproduction, and in their forms.” – Louis Althusser, On Ideology
In fact, while “the personal is political,” the inverse formula: “the political is personal” proves to be perverse insofar as it short-circuits the relationship and misses the author-less structural relations of ideology. What I’m trying to gesture at here is how ultimately the Structures (in the Althusserian sense) underwriting the economies of privileges are “Processes without a Subject or Goal(s)” (Althusser, On Ideology).
In this sense, ‘privilege-checking’ proves to be counter-productive insofar as it works under the sign of Ethics and seeks to make subjects morally responsible for the structural privileges that is inscribed unto them, while keeping silent on the true ‘subjects’ of the political plane – the Relations exceeding human subjects themselves.
For now, via ad-hoc recourse to Althusser, this is how I’m reading Taylor’s critical insight into the relation between ethics and politics and the misuse of “privilege-checking”:
The problem is that Fortgang’s point persists: he cannot maintain an imaginative or ethical relationship to structure. And with good reason. After all, he’s being asked to claim authorship for, and mark his authorization by, a structure that he didn’t will, a structure that exceeds his capacity to will—a political structure that is indifferent to the ethical relationship one establishes with it. In other words, Fortgang’s anti-liberal reception of “Check your privilege!” usefully marks the disarticulation between the ethical and the political, between an individual’s lived relation to the world and the political structures that sustain or constrain it. When Fortgang asserts the excessiveness of history to privilege’s present, what he’s saying is: I can’t do shit about it. And he can’t.
The problem with the kind of privilege-checking that Fortgang critiques is that it asks subjects to maintain an ethical relationship to a dispersed structure that exceeds the practical or phenomenological horizons of the ethical. Fortgang’s allergic reaction to privilege-checking is the mirror image of white anti-racist liberal voluntarists—the kind we all love to critique—who posit their reformed ethical relation to whiteness as a politics. In either case, the substitution of the ethical for the political obscures the fact that it’s not possible to maintain an ethical relationship to whiteness, because whiteness is nothing less—as we get from Fanon—than the dissolution of ethical relationality. Just think: What would it actually mean for someone like Fortgang to maintain an ethical relationship to his whiteness, his maleness, his money? Why would we even want him to? Put in phenomenological terms, I can only live right with my whiteness when I live against it, but this counter-action is never derivable from myself. It comes from outside, in the establishment of an oppositional political relationship, one that exceeds my individual capacities of cognitive, imaginative, or ethical relation.
[…]
A simple way of putting this: One checks the privileges of one’s friends. One destroys those of one’s enemies. One does the former in the service of the latter.
Fragments of thoughts I can't yet fully put together (because of lack of further reading) (hugely frustrating):
Just Do It: Nike's Subject-less, Object-less slogan could also be said to be Capitalism's universal call to action; Don't think, just do. Related to logic of goals, and the instrumentalization of the world.
Rubble Bucket Challenge: In the face of war we only have the remnants of civilization left to pour over our heads. Inverting the will to cleansing, we pour rubble over ourselves to mix our bodies in with the desolate waste around us: solidarity in suffering and oppression. Sedimented time and the suspension of catharsis for a future date of true revolutionary action.
Rousseau remarked that with children and adolescents the whole art of education consists of knowing how to lose time. The art of historical criticism also consists of knowing how to lose time so that young authors can grow up. This lost time is simply the time we give them to live. We scan the necessity of their lives in our understanding of its nodal points, its reversals and mutations. In this area there is perhaps no greater joy than to be able to witness in an emerging life, once the Gods of Orgins and Goals have been dethroned, the birth of necessity.
Althusser, Pour Marx
Reading as Political Act
“It can be admitted that (the “Germanic” style of Western Marxist writing) does not conform to the canon of clear and fluid journalistic writing … But what if those ideals of clarity and simplicity have come to serve a very different ideological purpose … ? What if, in this period of the overproduction of printed matter and the proliferation of methods of quick reading, they were intended to speed the reader across a sentence in such a way that he can salute a readymade idea effortlessly in passing, without suspecting that real thought demands a descent into the materiality of language and a consent to time itself in the form of a sentence.
In the language of Adorno – perhaps the finest dialectical intelligence, the finest stylist of them all – density is itself a conduct of intransigence: the bristling mass of abstractions and cross-references is precisely intended to be read in situation, against the cheap facility of what surrounds it, as a warning to the reader of the price he has to pay for genuine thinking. The resolute abstractness of this style stands as an imperative to pass beyond the individual, empirical phenomenon to its meaning … I cannot imagine anyone with the slightest feeling for the dialectical nature of reality remaining insensible to the purely formal pleasures of such sentences, in which the shifting of the world’s gears and the unexpected contact between apparently unrelated and distant categories and objects find sudden and dramatic formulations.”
– Fredric Jameson, Preface to Marxism and Form
There’s a certain texture to critical texts – one constituted by stubborn and ambiguous prose – that lends a frustrating materiality to the amorphous concepts broached. In the first place one comes to these texts suspicious of and impatient with the world, seeing contradictions where there previously were none and demanding answers. Yet theory resists any breezy reading and certainly any simple summary, often raising and then refusing to fully render abstractions, prolonging the moment of comprehension and by extension judgment (is this something I should or should not be giving my time to?), and along the way complicating it with complex qualifications, digressions, circumventions. By the end of it one has more questions than answers, and the libidinal satisfaction of understanding is always displaced unto further studies, more confusion, more clarifications. Where one expects to pick up a book only to re-enter the world with insight, one finds oneself suspended in a project of extended reading, constant questioning, and little do-ing.
In fact there’s an interesting temporality to critical reading, one that doesn’t necessarily cohere with linear chronologies and least of all historical time. To want to begin from the beginning and read through the “histories” of schools of thought is an impossible endeavor, yet a necessary failure insofar as it engenders a contextualization and systematization of one’s knowledge. In searching for an origin we find not one source, not even a plurality of sources, but a continuum of references articulating themselves in a (Althusserian) structure that defies any original influence. This means that one encounters a theoretical study in an impossible variety of ways that engenders a multiplicity of meanings, none of which are fully realized on their own. In fact I think critical understanding is constituted by structural lacunae, on a horizon where unblighted knowledge is likely an ideological trapping. In its gaps lie glimpses of future extrapolations, a time when History as the untranscendable Totality of all knowledge is acknowledged (cf Fredric Jameson). At least this seems to apply for Marxist texts, which often seem to be 60% polemics and 40% schematics.
“He is burnt because he seeks to grasp directly, as with his bare hands, the objective delusion he resembles, whereas the absurd order consists in precisely its perfected indirectness.” – Adorno, Minima Moralia
Paradoxically it is this vagueness, this incompleteness, which makes its productiveness. It problematizes the sign of “pragmatic knowledge,” seeing ideology in an instinct to “apply” knowledge gained. Where the world demands answers to its problems, it suggests questions in the way we come to recognize and conceptualize problems. In its structural hesitations whispers knowledge free from ideology, free from the will to power and the brutal totalization of reality. What is the point of mobilizing theory when the project of the Left remains to be conceptualized; When the call to action is itself a medium of the status quo in its cynical appropriation of all resistance as a reproduction of itself? In this constantly self-defeating, circumspect, isolated act of reading lie the seeds of true understanding, solidarity and the promise of an emancipatory project.
Found this in the comments to Yaacob Ibraham's statement to the ST (posted on his FB). If there is one truly alarming antithesis to democracy and politics today I believe it is the modern psycho-medico discourse, one that has in some ways been the logical conclusion of the Enlightenment and the history of Western progress. This discourse, layered with all sorts of delusions about post-ideological neutrality, seeks to abstract and totalize the world, claiming special license over deeply public, political, and by extension ideological matters with its supposedly scientific knowledge. It seeks to co-opt and reify the status quo within its asphyxiating jargonistic discourse. It's vision, which is no doubt political (just look at how Big Oil tries to shape climate change studies) despite its disavowals, is of a depoliticized life structured around the specialized knowledge of a select few, ones whose identities are superfluous insofar as they espouse the same things - the ultimate reduction of social and political life to "scientific" study. I haven't read enough about this to take this critique further but I don't think I'm opposed to science per se. I just fear the ramifications of ideology posturing as post-ideological behind the sleek impermeability of modern science.
Speaking of the Majority
When did we agree to equate "society" with the "majority" within it?
Even on the side of the progressives of this whole thing I've seen a distressing inheritance of the opponent's logic: that the "majority" in a society have a license to speak on its behalf, and that debate should only be confined to what one thinks this silent majority consists of (liberals or conservatives).
I'm sorry but even if one could speak of a majority of Germans under Hitler having supported the extermination of the Jews, the might of the majority does not at all stand in for unequivocal moral authority. I'm being quite crass about this but only because I think the rhetoric of the "majority" always precedes only the most myopic, all-consuming forms of violence, ones that end up dissolving society itself. A society founded on persecution is one doomed to eviscerate itself in its quest for purity and homogeneity. Only the monad remains at the end of that road.
So what if the majority of Singaporeans are conservative, homophobic fundies? Society is constituted by differences (real or imagined) and its spirit resides in the struggles of its weakest to find empathy and legitimacy amongst the rest.
There Are No Facts, Only Modalities of Rhetoric
*IN RESPONSE TO: http://homosexualityandscience.wordpress.com/2014/06/23/pinkdot-or-wearwhite-a-choice-between-rhetoric-or-facts/
My instinctive response whenever I come across such neo-conservative perspectives has always been to disengage. I suppose it was premised on the hope that society itself would know better, would laugh them off into oblivion and pay no attention - a prospect such voices unilaterally deserve. But no, no such progressive spirit can be relied upon to exist, and no these voices are not going away according to some self-regulating equilibrium in society. They’re gaining ground and for the first time I feel the need to speak up against them.
1. The naïve yet simultaneously cynical dichotomy between fraudulent “rhetoric” and objective “facts”, facts that are somehow beyond the realm of rhetoric and by extension politics, betrays the horribly constricting confines of the empiricist modes of thought that have been so privileged in our hyper-rationalized society where dispassionate reductions of the world into inert quantities are meant to similarly apply to social relations. Yet it will have been shown over and over and over again that this dichotomy is in fact false, that “facts” are not inert material speaking some objective truth beyond the human and emotional, but that the very methods by means of which they are mined, how they are framed, the ways in which they are expressed, related and exploited, all speak to an incredibly sophisticated, no less “deceptive” rhetoric that seeks to relate, persuade, exploit. The profoundly misguided soul who wrote this piece, who so painfully seeks the truth beyond rhetoric, who reaches out to the facts, only finds himself caught once more within rhetoric, hands tied and eyes blinded to the fact that even his presentation of the “facts” is no less rhetorical. And so comes forth that ugly rhetoric, one supposedly grounded in facts, of a lascivious homosexual community rife with HIV, one whose very existence constitutes a medico-social threat to the sanctity of a society that has both the biological and moral high-ground, one that knows the ravages of this deadly disease only from the outside, and admits to knowing nothing of it from within. Suspending all the critiques and suspicions of the modern psycho-medical complex that Foucault so ruthlessly took apart, with its long history of homophobic practices, let us assume that the facts this writer draws upon are indeed true and that HIV is indeed higher amongst homosexual communities than within heterosexual ones. Yet if that is indeed the case, if the facts indeed do hold, then by no means do the findings necessitate in the author’s conclusion that homosexuals are doomed to oblivion by their innate characteristics and behaviours that incline them to catching the virus. In fact, instead of assenting to this insidious moral fable, why not we ask more fundamental social and material questions. What if HIV rates amongst homosexuals are higher because of the rife discrimination that exists within society, a grim force that does not provide such individuals with the necessary information or resources to adequately protect themselves? This very same force that alienates individuals and vilifies the infected, and prevents them from getting frequent screenings only until it is too late and others have been infected. Maybe instead of isolating homosexuals as agents of their own demise, we should be asking more fundamental questions about how normative society, with all its ugly prejudices, is materially complicit in multiplying the suffering of the most vulnerable amongst us. In fact, if HIV is as awful as we are told it is, then shouldn’t we be embracing those infected, helping them come to terms with a fearsome virus, and working closer with them to study and combat its debilitating effects? Why is it that in imagining ourselves as victims, we come to terrorize the ones who are actually suffering?
2. There are no facts, only different modalities of rhetoric. And there’s a great assortment of them here, so many in fact that I think they can be divided amongst queer allies.
For my part I would like to deal with 2 elements which the text’s lacunae are symptomatic of:
• That PinkDot’s discourse is fundamentally elitist and is restricted to the educated, cultured and Anglicized. While in truth this is false, the point is that this is by nature an instinct, one that lies beyond reason and dialogue, and is no less a product of social inequality and material divides. I think in this sense, we should respond with patience and empathy, but also action that encourages greater dialogue and localizes the discourse. Also, ideologically at least, there are bourgeois dynamics working within the gay rights movement, ones that I think need serious scrutiny and critique. • The cynical logic that discrimination is the necessary by-product of a liberal society that necessitates compromise. Well it’s just a stupid claim but I think touches also on the failure of the liberal ideal of “tolerance.” I think to avoid false choices we have to debunk this idea of an ossified society, one that works only within certain limits beyond which all else is utopian; basically the end of the “end of history.” Imagining political alternatives and greater social integration is the only true solution imo.
P.S I’m not sure if this is an actual phenomenon, but I’ve noticed an incredibly cynical, convoluted and irrational “logic” amongst such conservative voices, one that often stumbles over itself in trying to make a point and yet gains ground through the fundamental instinct it belies, one that seeks to withdraw into an imagined status quo in the face of a confusing, multitudinous world. I don’t know how to effectively critique these logics because they so often refuse all reason and dialogue, but I think parts of the answer lie in determined praxis.