Renowned film critic André Bazin with cat friend, 1950. Source.

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Renowned film critic André Bazin with cat friend, 1950. Source.
Adding to the THREE MUSKETEERS collection I'm working up (building on the existing lead character drawings); the lackeys! Pious Bazin, daredevilish Mousqeton, stoic Grimaud, and crafty Planchet.
The theater acts on us by virtue of our participation in a theatrical action across the footlights and as it were under the protection of their censorship. The opposite is true in the cinema. Alone, hidden in a dark room, we watch through half-open blinds a spectacle that is unaware of our existence and which is part of the universe. There is nothing to prevent us from identifying ourselves in imagination with the moving world before us, which becomes the world. It is no longer on the phenomenon of the actor as a person physically present that we should concentrate our analysis, but rather on the ensemble of conditions that constitute the theatrical play and deprive the spectator of active participation. We shall see that it is much less a question of actor and presence than of man and his relation to the decor.
André Bazin, What Is Cinema? 102
The revolutionary journey of Bazin, Saint-Simon, and Sagnier, and their Republican opposition to Bonaparte during Malet's first conspiracy
The first conspiracy of General Malet in 1808 clearly shows that opposition to Bonaparte still existed under the Empire, even though it would ultimately be dismantled. I came across a fascinating excerpt from an interrogation that illustrates not only how women who opposed the Empire could still face denigration, but also how certain conspirators, though all republicans, were able to come together despite ideological differences regarding the Republic.
To better understand the interrogation excerpt, it's helpful to briefly introduce the three main figures involved in the Malet conspiracy who are referenced in the interrogation.
Claude-Henri de Rouvroy, Count of Saint-Simon
The first is Claude-Henri de Rouvroy, known as Saint-Simon, a former nobleman who had embraced the French Revolution. He is described as a speculator on national properties, a writer of political and philosophical texts (notably Letters from an Inhabitant of Geneva), and a central figure in republican circles under the Empire. He associated with figures like Antonelle, Buonarroti, and Sambat, who were connected to the Babouvist movement. Saint-Simon believed in property rights (especially industrial), economic prosperity, and the scientific organization of society. He viewed the attacks on property during the Revolution (such as extreme taxation) as mistakes of the sans-culottes—a view somewhat shared by even the Babouvists, who mostly targeted agrarian land and not industrial property.
To conceal his noble background, he adopted the pseudonym Bonhommet, calling himself "Citizen Bonhommet" to appear more common. He was even imprisoned under this name.
By 1809, still using this pseudonym, he was living as a tenant with Rigomer Bazin as part of their shared opposition to Bonaparte. When Bazin was arrested, the police began actively searching for the mysterious "M. Bonhommet." In fact, in 1807, Bazin and Saint-Simon had co-authored a work on Philosophical Letters. Historian Jean Dautry states that while Bazin may have penned the text, the ideas were Saint-Simon’s. The work is believed to have been linked to the secret society known as Les Philadelphes.
Rigomer Bazin
Rigomer Bazin was a democratic journalist and constitutional writer from Le Mans, the son and grandson of grocers. He represents a generation of “democratic republicans” who survived all phases of the French Revolution and subsequent regimes (the Directory, the Consulate, the Empire, and the Restoration).
During the Revolution: He joined the National Guard and was later brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal for opposing a représentant en mission. In 1793, as a member of the Republican Defense Committee against the Vendéens, he found himself accused for resisting Garnier de Saintes, a government envoy. Though acquitted, he was imprisoned and released after the fall of Robespierre (Thermidor).
Under the Directory: Bazin became an influential political journalist, editor of La Chronique de la Sarthe and the driving force behind Le Démocrate in Paris, where he was active in the Club du Manège. He represented the radical left and interacted with revolutionary figures like Sylvain Maréchal and Antonelle.
Under the Consulate and Empire: Despite heavy censorship, Bazin continued his opposition and was directly involved in the Malet conspiracy of 1808.
Bazin believed that no political reform could succeed without an educated populace. Two key beliefs defined his political philosophy:
Literacy and Education: He strongly advocated for peasant education, not only to improve their condition and property management but also for political empowerment—an educated citizen could understand and defend his rights.
The Role of Enlightenment Thinkers: He argued that Enlightenment philosophers like Voltaire and Rousseau did not cause the Revolution but rather articulated changes already in motion. They helped form a public opinion and became its spokesmen.
Marie-Joseph Sagnier
Marie-Joseph Sagnier, according to historian Jean Dautry, was Bazin’s mistress. Divorced and 29 years old, she worked as an embroiderer. On the morning of June 23, 1809, upon learning of Bazin’s arrest, she went at 5 a.m. to his apartment to warn his roommate, "M. Bonhommet" (Saint-Simon), and help him escape with Bazin’s documents, which he gathered into a briefcase.
Her action allowed Saint-Simon to evade certain arrest and destroy crucial evidence. Below is an excerpt from" her interrogation by Veyrat, one of Fouché’s agents (quoted by historian Jean Dautry):
"Veyrat, Fouché’s most reviled henchman, questions the young woman about her relationship with Bazin, which she claims had begun two months earlier:
Q: So you had occasion to visit his home frequently?
A: I only went there three or four times.
Q: What was the name of the person living with Mr. Bazin?
A: Mr. Bonhommet.
Q: What were his relations with Mr. Bazin, and what were they doing together?
A: I do not know.
Q: Then why did you go to his home at five o'clock this morning to inform him of Mr. Bazin's arrest and urge him to flee with Mr. Bazin's papers and his own?
A: It is true that I went there at five this morning to tell Mr. Bonhommet about Mr. Bazin’s arrest. He immediately began gathering all of Bazin’s papers, which he placed in a briefcase and took with him. He did not want us to leave together, saying he feared we might be watched by the police. He asked me to let him go first, which he did, taking the papers with him. I remained on the staircase a moment before leaving the house myself.
Q: Which direction did Mr. Bonhommet take?
A: He went to the right, and I to the left.
Q: You have committed an inexcusable fault that you can only make up for by telling us where you believe the papers and this Mr. Bonhommet might now be.
A: I admit I made a grave mistake, but I cannot answer your question. I do not know the people Mr. Bonhommet is connected with, and thus I have no idea where he might be. When we parted, I asked where I could meet him again in case I had news of Mr. Bazin. He refused to tell me, saying only, “Perhaps I’ll have some news.” Then he left.
This intelligent young woman—who, as Dautry notes, signed with elegance, suggesting a solid education—was sent to the Madelonnettes prison. Her lover Bazin was sent to Bicêtre, then to other prisons until his release in April 1814.
It is worth noting that to discredit her in the eyes of the public, authorities tried to portray her as a prostitute.
What became of the three?
Marie-Joseph Sagnier: I have found no further trace of her, despite her clear intelligence, political commitment, and bravery during her interrogation. If you come across any additional information, I’d be eager to know.
Saint-Simon: According to Dautry, “Nothing unfortunate happened to him.” He appears to have entirely evaded the police and the judicial system despite his clear complicity. After Bazin's release in 1814, Saint-Simon made no effort to reconnect with him. He focused instead on his writing and, by the autumn of 1814, had published a major pamphlet, On the Reorganization of European Society, co-written with his new collaborator Augustin Thierry. While he did not attempt to see Bazin again, he did send him the brochure, which Bazin reviewed in his newspaper Le Lynx. This polite exchange revealed their ideological divergence: Bazin criticized Saint-Simon’s lack of "patriotism"—a sign that their political paths had parted. Bazin remained a nationalist republican, while Saint-Simon moved toward a more European, scientific vision of society.
Saint-Simon later wrote of this period "I did everything I could to understand the morals and opinions of the various classes of society; I sought and seized every opportunity to connect with men of all temperaments and moral codes. These efforts harmed my reputation, but I do not regret them"
He died at 65 without ever writing his memoirs.
Rigomer Bazin: After his release, he supported the Charter of Louis XVIII in 1814, but only with guarantees to preserve revolutionary gains. He articulated several key principles:
Political Parties:
Bazin was among those who theorized the necessity of strong political parties and a constitutional opposition as essential counterweights to the government. For him, legitimate opposition was not a sign of disorder, but rather evidence of a free government.
Public Opinion:
He defined public opinion as the “counterbalance to public authority,” a “torch” that enlightens rulers. It expressed popular sovereignty, even beyond the narrow confines of the limited electorate.
The Role of Elections:
He believed elections should be held frequently, allowing for popular oversight of representatives and ensuring political alternation.
When commenting on Saint-Simon’s proposals for a European federation, Bazin expressed skepticism about the feasibility of such a confederation. He pointed to several obstacles:
the strength of national identities,
the difficulty of forming a true “European public opinion,”
and especially British foreign policy, which he saw as fundamentally hostile to a strong France.
Instead, he envisioned a progressive Europe built upon:
industry,
representative government,
and the abolition of war, arbitrary rule, and monopolies.
This was a vision of a federation of republican nations, even if he could not state it openly at the time.
P.S.: I wonder why Jean Dautry described Veyrat as “the most reviled of Fouché’s henchmen.” If you have any information about it, share it please.
Sources: Jean Dautry, Saint-Simon et les Babouvistes
Pierre Serna, Rigomer Bazin et la Restauration : penser la république dans la monarchie
Archives de la préfecture de police, cote A a 313, 2e dossier, pièce 21 ( Excerpt from the Interrogation of Marie-Joseph Sagnier).
Revue de la Mode, Gazette de la Famille, dimanche 16 septembre 1883, 12e annee, No. 611
Artist: P. Deferneville; Printer: Auguste Godchaux & Cie; Paris
Collection of the Rijksmuseum, Netherlands
In The River the screen no longer exists; there is nothing but reality. Not pictorial, not theatrical, not anti-expressionist, the screen simply disappears in favour of what it reveals. This classicism goes beyond The Rules of the Game; it is the culmination of its realism. The River sits at the avant-garde of the cinema, along with The Bicycle Thief, Diary of a Country Priest, and everything which really counts in the contemporary cinema; that is, with those works which contribute to the transparency of the medium. Whether it veers toward the theater or the novel, or whether it relies on original scenarios, the cinema must restrain itself from using its techniques to amplify objects which express themselves through it. The cinema will be fulfilled when, no longer claiming to be an art of reality, it becomes merely reality made art.
Bazin, "A Pure Masterpiece: The River"