Yulguk
대율제국, daeyul jeguk, the Great Empire of (the) Yul
Other names: Yulguk, Yulnara, Yul Country, Bando, the Peninsula
Capital: Meotunseong (name pending)
Government: constitutional monarchy
Geography: MOUNTAINS with some plains in the west + many coastal islands
Climate: like Korea’s
Rambly “Historical Context”:
(not proofread)
30 years after Saseom-ae (Shijimian) occupation invasions were repelled by a combination of Long, Yul restorationist, eastern Maljok, frontier warlord, and Bellian forces, Yulguk and the rest of the realm of Danyangju have only now been able to wearily emerge from the shadows of the Sandalwood Wars.
The Sandalwood Wars started as the logical conclusion of the empire-building done by Danyangju’s two eastern giants: the Samyukta and Long. The former vied to reestablish an old history of dominance in the southern Jo Danju region, which the latter had locked down through an extended tributary system. Initially fighting through proxy wars by supporting various usurper and incumbent powers, the conflict spiraled into open war. Hence started the Red Sandalwood War.
In the northern Baek Danju region, Imperial Shijima, whose clashes with the bloated Long Empire over influence on the Yul Kingdom and disruptive Shijimian settlers resulted in increasing economic isolation, sought an alliance with Samyukta and hence attacked the Yul and Long not long after war had started in the southern seas. Imperial Shijimian forces occupied the peninsula on the pretenses of restoring the clique of royal in-laws who the Long had ousted from power due to destabilizing peasant rebellions. The White Sandalwood War hence began, and with it, one of the longest, worst decades in Yul history since the Millennium War.
To be concise, fortunes began to turn as Yul resistance coalesced around the rightful heir to the throne, now known posthumously as King Geumjong. Supported by lower aristocrats and military leaders, he allied with northern frontier gangs and sought an alliance with Bellia, who hosted a formidable Yul diaspora that had grown during the regressive reign of the royal in-laws. Several Yul had been appointed to high offices and so heeded the plea—though not without concessions to be made in the future. As aforementioned, Geumjong’s coalition, fractured Long forces, and unsteady support from the inland Maljok turned the tides.
Shortly after the Sandalwood Wars concluded, a painful reconstruction and readjustment period began for the now-Great Empire of Yul—allowed to exist thanks to the destruction wrought upon the Yul’s former imperial master, the deposed Long. King Geumjong uneasily bowed to pressure from the Bellians, people, and lower aristocrats to form a constitutional monarchy.
Bellian advisory, military, and business forces now occupied the peninsula, brewing unease and imposing restraint on policy in the name of self-preservation and self-strengthening. Namely, the nebulous territories of the north were not administered as part of Yulguk. Many advisors and professionals across the realm formerly distributed to the Yul by the Long Empire were courted once again, this time to directly serve the king and prime minister. Not all improvements and changes were appreciated. When some of Geumjong’s former military allies rebelled against the Bellians and officeholders of the new republic, the rest of the army competently put the insurrection down, playing a part in Bellia’s ultimate physical withdrawal from the mountainous land.
What followed next was a decade of hardline, nationalist, paranoid, and heavy-handed policy openly supported by Geumjong. Prime ministers during this decade pursued a small war against the reconstituted Jaded Republic over the Long Empire’s former frontier territories, ending in expansion and the creation of two new northern provinces after diplomatic meetings deescalated the conflict. Xenophobia ran rampant, purging “foreign” officials and appointees from their posts. The dominant party also (il+)legally purged their opponents wherever they could and even stoked fear within their own ranks. Immigration restrictions intended to ensure that a devastated labor supply could not shrink any further, while funding was gutted for foreign study trips and diplomatic missions. The generally repressive atmosphere clashed with a steadily recovering, growing middle class that wanted universal suffrage.
The murder of Supreme Prosecutor Jak Noljin (name pending) by Gil Yong-gi and its investigation played a role in turning public opinion firmly against the conservative coalition. Jak’s younger brother, foreign envoy Jak Heungjin, was the liberal-aligned suspect that the investigation doggedly pursued, as the murder took place at his residence during the celebration of his son’s high examination scores. He also had lost a suit against Gil years earlier, who refused to restore Jak’s post after the latter returned from an extended spousal mourning period.
Yet, an overabundance of evidence pushed by liberal-aligned officials in the justice system later leaked to independent presses stoked public unrest, as opponents of the conservatives framed this incident as an attempt of judicial murder. Not to mention, it was also an example of the vicious climate brewing among the party itself, as people speculated that higher-ups could have ordered the elder Jak to be killed for going against party interests with his rumored investigation of Gil’s embezzling activities. Even Geumjong, who had long supported the party, publicly expressed that he would serve justice himself if he had to, preemptively vowing to pardon the surviving Jak before his execution.
Triumphantly, Gil was charged and executed instead, averting mass outcry.
The next decade was far more liberal, preceded by Geumjong’s stroke-induced death and the ascension of the current queen. In gratitude for awarding them a new majority, the liberal coalition enacted universal suffrage, regardless of income. The quality of life across the peninsula had by then mostly improved, although industrialization and urbanization ensured that turmoil continued. The most prominent feature of this decade was active foreign policy and economic pursuits, spawning the growth of a notable tourism industry. However, the increased circulation of people and goods also brings with it stress and disease, and an epidemic has recently only just begun to end. Ultra-nationalism once again lurks, ready to strike out against new cultural and social change while economic stratification entrenches itself as the new evil of Yul society.
It is at the tail end of this decade that the “present” story of Jakho unfolds. (think like the 1880s)
