#subcommandante marcos

[chaiaurchaandni]

thinking about what subcommandante marcos wrote about gaza/palestine 10+ years ago and how relevant it still is

Of Sowing and Harvesting « Enlace Zapatista (ezln.org.mx)

[radicalgraff]

Mural of Subcommandante Marcos of the EZLN, painted by Knot1 in Brisbane, Australia

[driftglazz]

García Márquez/ Cambio : Everything you say–in terms of form and content–demonstrates a serious literary background on your part. Where does this come from and how did you achieve it?   Marcos: It has to do with my childhood. In my family, words had a very special value. The way we went out into the world was through language. We didn't learn to read in school but by reading newspapers. My mother and father made us read books that rapidly permitted us to approach new things. Some way or another, we acquired a consciousness of language not as a way of communicating with each other but as a way of building something. As if it were more of a pleasure than a duty or assignment. When the age of catacombs arrives, the word is not highly valued for the intellectual bourgeoisie. It is relegated to a secondary level. It's when we are in the indigenous communities that language is like a catapult. You realize that words fail you to express certain things, and this obliges you to work on your language skills, to go over and over words to arm and disarm them.

[chatsintowolves]

Armed Revolution and Force in the Struggle

Revolutionaries on Violence and Power

---

### 1. Karl Marx: The Theoretical Foundation

Marx himself is often misunderstood on this point. He was not a bloodthirsty advocate of violence for its own sake; rather, he saw armed struggle as a **historical inevitability and a necessary tool** under specific conditions.

* **Theory of Inevitable Class Conflict:** Marx viewed history as a series of class struggles. He argued that the capitalist class (bourgeoisie) would never voluntarily surrender its power, property, and privileges. Therefore, the working class (proletariat) would be forced to seize power through a revolutionary upheaval.

* **The State as an Instrument of Violence:** In works like *The Communist Manifesto* (1848), Marx and Engels famously wrote, **"The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it."** More crucially, they described the state as "but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie." They believed the state's army, police, and courts existed to protect capitalist property relations. To break this apparatus, force would be necessary.

* **Context Matters:** Marx believed the form of revolution could vary. He entertained the possibility of a peaceful transition in countries with developed democratic institutions (like England or the Netherlands). However, he consistently argued that because the state is fundamentally a tool of coercion for the ruling class, the workers would ultimately have to **smash the bourgeois state machinery** and establish their own dictatorship of the proletariat, which might require force.

**In summary, for Marx, armed struggle was the logical and predicted culmination of intense class antagonisms, forced upon the proletariat by a ruling class that would defend its power with violence.**

---

### 2. Leon Trotsky: The Practitioner and Theorist of Permanent Revolution

Trotsky was a key leader of the successful 1917 Russian Revolution and the creator of the Red Army. His advocacy for armed struggle was both practical and deeply theoretical.

* **The Practice of Revolution:** As a central figure in the Bolshevik Party, Trotsky was a direct organizer of the armed insurrection that brought the party to power in October 1917. He saw disciplined, decisive armed action as the essential catalyst for transferring state power.

* **Theory of Permanent Revolution:** This is Trotsky's major contribution. He argued that in historically "backward" countries (like Russia in 1917 or colonies in the global south), the weak capitalist class was unable to carry out its own democratic revolution (e.g., overthrowing feudalism, establishing land reform, achieving national independence). Therefore, the working class, even if small, must lead the revolution. It would begin with democratic tasks but would quickly **"grow over" into a socialist revolution**, necessitating the seizure of power and the expropriation of the bourgeoisie. This process would be "permanent" in the sense of being continuous and uncompromising, requiring armed defense against inevitable counter-revolution.

* **Defense of the Revolution:** Trotsky famously authored *Terrorism and Communism* (1920), a defense of the Red Terror during the Russian Civil War. He argued that the revolution had a moral and practical right to use all means, including armed force and repression, to defeat the White Armies and foreign invaders who sought to destroy it.

**For Trotsky, armed struggle was the essential midwife of revolution, the necessary tool to defend it, and the logical outcome of his theory that revolution must be international and uninterrupted.**

---

### 3. Fidel Castro: The Foco Theorist and National Liberator

Castro's advocacy for armed struggle was shaped by the specific conditions of a US-backed dictatorship (Batista's Cuba) and the failure of peaceful, political opposition.

* **Rejection of Peaceful Politics:** Before turning to armed struggle, Castro was a political candidate. When Batista's coup canceled elections and crushed dissent, Castro concluded that legal, peaceful avenues for change were closed. This led to the failed attack on the Moncada Barracks in 1953, which became a symbolic rallying cry.

* **The *Foco* Theory (*Foquismo*):** While most associated with Che Guevara, Castro was its primary executor. This theory argued that a small, dedicated guerrilla group (the *foco*) could itself create the conditions for revolution. By taking action in the countryside, it would:

1. Demonstrate the vulnerability of the regime.

2. Win the support of the peasantry through its example and deeds.

3. Act as a catalyst, sparking a general popular insurrection.

* **Armed Struggle as the Only Path:** Castro's entire revolutionary strategy, from the Granma landing to the victorious entry into Havana, was based on the principle that **only through protracted people's war could a corrupt, militaristic, and foreign-backed dictatorship be overthrown.** For him, it was not one option among many; it was the *only* option.

**For Castro, armed struggle was a practical, necessary, and successful strategy for national liberation and social revolution in the face of a brutal dictatorship and imperial domination.**

---

### 4. Subcomandante Marcos: The Postmodern Guerrilla

The leader of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Chiapas, Mexico, Commandante Marcos represents a profound evolution in the concept of armed struggle, moving away from seizing state power.

* **Armed Struggle as a Symbolic "Last Resort":** The Zapatistas launched their armed uprising on January 1, 1994 (the day NAFTA took effect). However, their use of arms was primarily **symbolic and defensive**. After 12 days of fighting, they largely ceased offensive military operations and turned to civil society and global media.

* **A Weapon for Dialogue, Not Victory:** Marcos famously stated, **"We rise up in arms to open a space to be heard."** For the Zapatistas, taking up arms was not to destroy the Mexican state and take power (a goal they saw as obsolete or impossible). It was a dramatic action to force the world to pay attention to the plight of indigenous peoples, to break their centuries of silence and marginalization, and to compel the government to the negotiating table.

* **Challenging Traditional Revolutionary Models:** The EZLN’s ideology is a blend of Mayan tradition, libertarian socialism, and anarchism. They reject the Leninist vanguard party model. Their goal is not state power but local autonomy, self-determination, and building a new world from the ground up ("a world where many worlds fit"). The gun was a tool to create the political space to build that world peacefully.

**For Subcomandante Marcos, armed struggle was a tactical, primarily symbolic act to gain a platform and demand inclusion. It was a means to start a conversation, not to win a traditional military victory.**

---

### Comparative Summary

| Figure | Primary Context | Goal of Armed Struggle | Role of Violence |

| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |

| **Karl Marx** | Industrial Capitalism | Seize state power; establish dictatorship of the proletariat | Inevitable culmination of class war; a necessary tool |

| **Leon Trotsky** | Imperialism; "Backward" Nations | International permanent revolution; defend the revolution | Essential midwife and defender of revolution |

| **Fidel Castro** | US-backed Dictatorship | National liberation and socialist revolution | The only viable strategy for overthrow (*Foco* theory) |

| **Subcom. Marcos** | Neoliberalism; Indigenous Marginalization | Gain a voice; force dialogue; achieve local autonomy | Symbolic "last resort" and tool to open political space |

[elizabethkiem]

We Indian peoples have come in order to wind the clock ... we Indian people have resorted to the art of reading what has not yet been written. With our struggle we are reading the future which has already been sown yesterday, which is being cultivated today, and which can only be reaped if one fights, that is, one dreams.

[serious2020]

Ideas Are Also Weapons by Subcomandante Marcos

[fecrimazi]

Sırf işgal ettiğiniz dünyada empoze etmeye çalıştığınız yaşam tarzını benimsemediğim için siz beni terörist ilan ettiniz. Ben de sizi gereksiz ilan ediyorum!

[thoughtsonthedead]

Bobby Is Okay

Bobby. “Bobcommandante Marcos, please.” No. Bobby, take that thing off and stop leading Zapatistas. “They are my people.” They’re not. Do you even speak Spanish? “I understand it fluently.” Bob, don’t defend the indigenous peoples of Chiapas? “If not me, who?” Literally anyone. Take that thing off your head and go back to the resort. “Yeah. Gonna liberate it.” Don’t liberate anything, Bobby. Go…

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