[âWhen I asked focus group participants again about body hair and their desires for women, Adam responded:
Thatâs what makes the woman different, her body, I donât mind uh having hair in certain specific parts on her body um . . . in general I . . . like woman to be clean. Just in certain areas. But like I said, down in the genital, like itâs okay for me.
Hair, for Adam, Musiteli, and other participants, served as the visual representation of the differentiation between âmenâ and âwomen.â Further, Adam referred to a woman being hairless not only as âproperâ but âcleanly,â as well.
Often, when I asked participants specifically about genital hair, the response was that they did not prefer hair due to cleanliness, hygiene, and other such myths surrounding body hair. The idea that hairlessness is cleanly is reflected in colloquial discourse (e.g., âclean shavenâ). Ryan, an Indian American, cis-het man, explained to me his distaste for a âbushâ or a large amount of hair genitally:
I just think like it's better to sometimes, maybe, fully shave it, like coordinate with your partner if you're going to do that, because then it could help but like, yeah, if like two people both have bushes then like you don't know what's going on. And, also, it's just like, cleaner. Like in terms of like keeping it clean. It's easier when you have less hair in those areas.
When I asked Liz, a cis-lesbian, Latina woman, whether she cares if a woman shaves her armpits and genitals or not, she similarly responded, âYes (laughs). Yes definitely. Itâs just . . . um . . . how should I call it? Hygiene. Hygiene.â
In Ryan, Liz, and Adamâs discourse, pubic hair is conceptualized as unclean, non-hygienic, and obtrusive. Such ideas, again, are not mere individual preference but are instead shaped by cultural and generational understandings of hair. Herzig highlights that âthe normalization of smooth skin in dominant U.S. culture is not even a century old,â with such ideas arising during the same years as the Cold War with individuals in the United States describing âvisible body hair on women as evidence of a filth, âforeignâ lack of hygiene.â Porn and the framing of sexually explicit material have also shaped cultural understandings of pubic hair. While pubic hair removal for women went out of vogue after the nineteenth century, it became popular once again in the 1980s, in part, due to pornographic depictions largely including hairless vulvas, and more recently, hairless bodies for men, as well. Cultural discourse surrounding pubic and body hair is, thus, shaped by racialized, gendered, and xenophobic understandings of the body and hair. The fact that these ideas are shared by immigrant participants/participants of color does not deny the racialized and xenophobic roots of such discourse, so much as it highlights the internalization of racism and xenophobia by immigrants and/or people of color, as an adaptive response to the racism of society.
As participants conceptualized hair as animal-like, masculine, and/or filthy, they also conceptualized of it as excess or surplus to the human (womanâs) body. Pubic hair shaped their idea of what it means to do womanhood and to be a woman. As such, participant discourse not only was shaped by racist, sexist, and xenophobic conceptualizations of hair that have proliferated in the United States but also cissexist concepts of manhood and womanhood as opposite, different, and biologically based. That which is âimproper to manhood/womanhood within White schemas of a gender binary are unnatural, unclean, and undesirable.â]
alithia zamantakis, from thinking cis: cisgender heterosexual men, and queer womenâs roles in anti-trans violence, 2023
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