The Russian Civil War (Documentary Film)
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The Russian Civil War (Documentary Film)
I have been reading a book called Candidates 1960 edited by Eric Sevareid and published by Basic Books, and it has activated two old prejudices, the one against newspaper journalism
There is a reflex—perhaps it already tickles—to call this whataboutism: a defense of the indefensible on the basis that the other guys did worse. But all war is whataboutism. What about your enemy, what about your conditions, what is it about the state of the world in which you live that justifies armed struggle? Between 1955, when Bernardine Dohrn was 13 years old, and 1977, when Dohrn and Ayers were expelled from the Weather Underground in a fit of unavoidable leftist infighting, the United States murdered roughly two million people in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. It sprayed over 18,000,000 gallons of Agent Orange over Indochina, causing some 400,000 additional deaths and some 500,000 birth defects in children. In March 1968, the Mỹ Lai Massacre alone saw roughly 500 unarmed Vietnamese civilians—mainly women, children, and the elderly—executed by American forces. The CIA’s Phoenix Program is conservatively credited with the assassination of over 20,000 people. In 1965 and ’66, the State Department provided kill lists to the Indonesian military, resulting in an anticommunist purge that produced some million bodies. In 1971, President Richard Nixon backed the Pakistani genocide in Bangladesh, selling arms to the perpetrators and blocking international action while mass rape and murder produced several million refugees and another million dead. The CIA overthrew the government of Chile, installing a dictator who killed around 3,000 dissidents and tortured thousands more; it coordinated with dictators in Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Brazil to assassinate and disappear tens of thousands of left-wing dissidents. Beyond Hampton and Attica and Orangeburg, beyond the dozens of suspect encounters during traffic stops, the murders and lynchings gone unsolved by half-motivated law enforcement, the American police beat and murdered protesters in Selma, Alabama, and Chicago, at Kent State and Jackson State, at Southern University. “I was in a rage,” Dohrn told her son decades later in an interview for his book, “at the absolute stench of American life.” If you cannot smell it, you need only imagine these bodies—these millions murdered, maimed, and tortured—not as some distant casualties of “necessary” realpolitik, but looking up, mangled in their graves, each bearing the face of your mother, your husband, your child. To ask whether or not it was morally justified—whether it was, in fact, a “moral catastrophe”—to respond to all of this by making a spectacle of bombing empty buildings, one simply has to imagine the Iraqi government, suddenly possessed of the military power to avenge itself on the United States, flattening your neighborhood, setting fire to your city, poisoning your drinking water, sending armed men to execute your aging parents in their home—they voted for Bush after all, didn’t they? Then imagine that somewhere in Baghdad, some disaffected teenagers setting off a protest bomb in an empty office park. How strenuous your objection? How tightly might you clutch your pearls before some invading soldier ripped them from your neck as a trophy before setting fire to your home? One must imagine if the Weathermen had killed a million people in the New York Tristate area with a decade’s worth of bombs. Would it have been better if the Weathermen had worn medals and planned their actions from the Pentagon?
A Better World Is Not Possible
Did the Weather Underground have a point?
By Emmett Rensin
Sweeping social changes, reflected in academic practice, thus underlie the deterioration of the school system and the consequent spread of stupidity. Mass education, which began as a promising attempt to democratize the higher culture of the privileged classes, has ended by stupefying the privileged themselves. Modern society has achieved unprecedented rates of formal literacy, but at the same time it has produced new forms of illiteracy. People increasingly find themselves unable to use language with ease and precision, to recall the basic facts of their country's history, to make logical deductions, to understand any but the most rudimentary written texts, or even to grasp their constitutional rights. The conversion of popular traditions of self-reliance into esoteric knowledge administered by experts encourages a belief that ordinary competence in almost any field, even the art of self-government, lies beyond the reach of the layman. Standards of teaching decline, the victims of poor teaching come to share the experts' low opinion of their capacities, and the teaching profession complains of unteachable students.
Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism, p. 154
Two workers of the Xinhua Printing Factory in Beijing inspect copies of the "Selected Works of Mao Zedong" before their distribution, 1968.
Universities have accepted the overtures from this industry in a FOMO-driven frenzy without consulting their faculty, collecting empirical data on whether generative AI is pedagogically useful, or pausing to inquire about the long-term impact of AI on the students who have been entrusted to their care. Faculty are at best being coerced—and at worst being forced—to employ generative AI in their teaching, assessment, or advising. Moreover, with the educational mission that they thought they were signing up for undermined, students have no option to resist. In other words, we have all been left on our own to jury rig workable pedagogical scaffolds while the educational edifice is being bulldozed around us. Individual responses will not suffice; collective action is necessary.
https://www.publicbooks.org/four-frictions-or-how-to-resist-ai-in-education/
Richard McNally - What Is Mental Illness?
The TV news loves a good victim; and while this attitude suggests a most enlightened, charitable impulse, it is not conducive to an activist response, because this love is fatally possessive of its broken object: 'Stay as you are!' it tells the oppressed. 'Your battered face has earned you our esteem!' Within this schema, the worst thing that can happen to the underdog is not to die or go on suffering, but to become unpitiable, to stand up strong. Because the news allows no categories between those of the noble weakling and the ugly victory, any group that does attempt to shed its lowly status zips straight fro subjugation into villainy. Whenever this occurs, the journalists turn indignant; yet the wouldn't have it otherwise, as long as the new configuration yields fresh victims for the sympathetic camera.
Mark Crispin Miller, Boxed In, p. 161
Despite all we have heard about the harrowing plainness of the footage, we simply can't and don't respond to televised violence as intensely as we would if we were right there on the scene. If we did away with all the ads and newsmen, in other words, the experience would still, necessarily, be mediated, and its impact ultimately slight. Even in extreme close-up, the medium maintains a subtle distance between viewer and victim, presenting every pang and ruin with an ineradicable coolness. Over the years we have seen, not only wars, but assassinations, executions, drownings, beatings, shoot-outs, fatal brawls, and nearly every other kind of cruelty - but how much of this do we remember vividly?
Mark Crispin Miller, "How TV Covers War," Boxed In, p. 157
All these mediating gadgets, however sensitive, must blunt the sense of war in those who use them. Translated into so many blips and telecasts, the fact of war becomes no more than a pressing abstraction, charged with suspense but not noticeably bloody. The same effect obtains for many individual soldiers, those elite technicians encased in the finest jets and tanks, which are built to devastate a countryside and its inhabitants without themselves sustaining any damage. Raised above the crawling infantry, these men are accoutred to approach a battle as their superiors are equipped to gauge it - in a mood of perfect equilibrium and snug detachment. Suspended in this state of artificial infancy - the same state that attracts us all to the promise of advanced technology - the soldier would seem to become psychologically incapable of spoiling for a fight, of closing with some tough opponent, but wants instead to search and destroy without risk, to translate his belligerence into his buttons and extensions, and simply let his fingers do the warring.
Mark Cripin Miller, "How TV Covers War," Boxed In, p. 153
Contrary to the assumption both of its highbrow detractors and its self-conscious devotees, TV is not an expression 'of the people,' not 'vulgar' in any traditional sense, but an effective corporate instrument, whose sole purpose - as its executives will tell you - is to tell you to the advertisers; and it does so, in part, precisely through the very irony which some now celebrate as the proof of mass immunity. TV would 'liberate' us only from the notions that impede its own advance, and the advance of the market, which, while promising a world of pleasure, finally offers nothing but its own relentlessness.
Mark Crispin Miller, Boxed In, p. 24
What if this present were the world's last night ? Mark in my heart, O soul, where thou dost dwell, The picture of Christ crucified, and tell Whether His countenance can thee affright. Tears in His eyes quench the amazing light ; Blood fills his frowns, which from His pierced head fell ; And can that tongue adjudge thee unto hell, Which pray'd forgiveness for His foes' fierce spite ? No, no ; but as in my idolatry I said to all my profane mistresses, Beauty of pity, foulness only is A sign of rigour ; so I say to thee, To wicked spirits are horrid shapes assign'd ; This beauteous form assures a piteous mind.
John Donne, Holy Sonnet XIII
In any text of any difficulty there are levels of accessibility. There are thing you may understand now and other things that will become apparent when you have read the text and considered it as a whole. There are still other things that will become apparent to you over time, as you grow more learned, more thoughtful, or more experienced. There are some things, in all likelihood, that will never be apparent to you, but remain for someone else to see. Some call these levels of difficulty 'secret teachings' and act as if they are given only to initiates. There is nothing secret about them at all. They are there in the open for anyone (who can) to read.
Anne Norton, Leo Strauss and the Politics of American Empire, 96-97
Ken Currie (British, 1960), Empty Vessels, 2015. Etching, 13 x 15 in. Edition of 40
Scarcities that can still be observed cannot be ascribed to a scarcity of talent or a lack of the ability to learn. They are the result of the class character of the educational system... Education aims at persuading a minority that they are an elite, and it thereby reproduces the hierarchical stratification of labour required by capitalist social relations. This result is achieved by abstract teaching methods that make the acquisition of intellectual skills difficult for children of less educated parents, and by identifying good school marks with a right to privilege and to social promotion. The educational system is thus the key instrument of social hierarchization: the differences of skill and aptitude it claims to be able to assess are in fact produced by the system itself.
Andre Gorz, "Technology, Technicians, and the Class Struggle" (1971), 178
Textbooks are concerned with presenting the facts of the case (whatever the case may be) as if there can be no disputing them, as if they are fixed and immutable. And still worse, there is usually no clue given as to who claimed these are the facts of the case, or how "it" discovered these facts (there being no he or she, or I or we). There is no sense of the frailty or ambiguity of human judgment, no hint of the possibilities of error. Knowledge is presented as a commodity to be acquired, never as a human struggle to understand, to overcome falsity, to stumble toward the truth.
Neil Postman, The End of Education, p. 116
To seek everywhere the element of utility is least of all fitting for those who are magnanimous and free.
Aristotle, Politics, book 8, chapter 3, 1338b1-5