The Post-Left and the Death of Humanism
Trigger Warning: this post may cause distress to people of certain political persuasions
Once, lefties in the US were called liberals. I mean, they still call them that sometimes, but this title has become increasingly absurd. American liberals were people that maintained the classical humanistic values: freedom, equality and human rights. Unlike the European liberals, for example, who were actually right-wing conservatives that advocated the alleged "free market", Laissez-faire economic policy, the American liberals were mostly social democrats that believed in a welfare state.
Currently, such left-wing liberals are a dying breed. There are, of course, a lot of people that still hold a similar stance, but their voice diminishes and no longer resonates in the mind of the general public. And these remaining liberals find it progressively harder to stand against the tide of the so-called progressive agenda (pun intended). Consequently, they lost confidence in their own political philosophy.
Why did this happen? From the sociological standpoint this shift in connected with the rise of the neo-liberal economic discipline which dismantled the welfare state and dealt a devastating blow to the middle class, escalating economic inequality and driving societies to class warfare. We may also attribute the transformation to the effect of social media and the way it enhances and spreads extremist views, fosters group thinking, and allows nefarious element to manipulate public opinion. However, in this article I want to take an alternative, history of ideas perspective.
The cornerstone of Humanism is the belief in universal values. It is a direct offspring of the Enlightenment movement which laid the foundations of modern democracy. These values are summed in the slogan of the French Republic: liberté, égalité, fraternité (meaning liberty, equality and fraternity). In particular, fraternity, or, more generally, solidarity, is a key ingredient of any political struggle for humanistic values. Such a struggle has a chance to succeed only by joining hands and forming a broad coalition of all who share these values, regardless of the specifics of their identity.
Unfortunately, this strategy of indiscriminating solidarity, although being highly effective, had a fatal flaw. When you belong to an oppressed group, say, Black US Americans in the 1960s, gaining salvation through the aid of white folks feels degrading. It implies that you belong to a weak community, and therefore require the help of a stronger hegemonic group to be emancipated. It was for this inherent psychological factor that Black Americans began shifting their ideological association from Martin Luther King's Humanism to Malcolm X's Black Supremacy, and, that the feminist movement became less about "women are equal" and more about "women are better". As soon as Equality was, to some extent, gained, the fight was redirected toward the much more emotionally satisfying Empowerment.
Empowerment doesn't require universal solidarity. Empowerment doesn't require universal values. When the newly rising identity groups searched for an alternative to the Humanistic ideology they found surprising allies in the Academy. During the 1970s the postmodern school of thought was gaining dominance in the (ironically termed) Faculties of Humanities. And it provided the exact theoretical foundations for what has since been known as Identity Politics.
What postmodern intellectuals were claiming was basically this: there are no universal values, only culturally dependent narratives. What was considered universal was in fact only the particular worldview of the hegemonic white-patriarchal-heterosexual-Christian society. For this reason, there is no basis for solidarity that encompasses, for instance, both white people and people of color, or both men and women. At best, different oppressed groups can, strategically, share a common cause. Typically, its every group to itself: we African Americans shall redeem ourselves, thank you very much; we don't need the favors of some patronizing white liberals.
Indeed, this was much more empowering than this wimpy we-are-all-equal-let's-hug attitude. On the downside, while the various racial, sexual, ethnic, religious and gender-related groups were gaining respect and cultural predominance, the socioeconomic conditions of the actual individuals within these groups were quickly deteriorating. The Neo-Liberal revolution of the 1980s led to a constant rise of economic inequality, specifically in the US and the UK but with a worldwide impact. The lower middle class was going bankrupt. The poorest, most of them from minority groups, were thrown under the bus.
The rise of the "Progressive" post-left doctrine and the associated identity politics hindered any attempt to form an effective left-wing coalition against the conservative-right attack on the working middle class. Socialistic and Social Democratic political struggle was always founded on class solidarity. When it disintegrated, as each identity group became self-absorbed, this strategy failed.
During the first two decades of the third millennium, whilst graduates of postmodern indoctrination grew up to hold influential positions, the post-left dogma spread from the academic circles to mainstream media and popular culture. Its fixation on group identity and culture war practically replaced all the classical left-wing agendas, both the humanistic and the socialistic. The left was conquered.
Concurrently, a similar process was taking place also on the right wing. The conservatives' political platforms were being overtaken or pushed aside by the much more radical populist right. Although the populists tried to align their agenda with the conservatives, their support base didn't really care much about neo liberal economics or about geopolitics. The majority were middle class people whose standard of living was deteriorating, and their petty bourgeoisie way of life threatened. They were looking for someone to blame, and there were two obvious scapegoats: lefty intellectuals and minorities. While the post-left was promoting the cultural fringe, people of traditional upbringing were becoming increasingly intimidated by it. Those who could at last stomach gay people were now asked to accept Trans. After finely coming to terms with racial equality, they were faced with affirmative action that put them in a disadvantage. And all these reforms were endorsed quite aggressively by the post-left controlled media and getting the support of the arrogant and privileged upper middle class. Populist politicians, who always had keen instincts for these sorts of things, jumped on this golden opportunity to instigate a culture war.
There is a caricature that became viral, in which three people sit around a table. One of them is a blue-collar working-class type; in front of him a plate with a single cookie. The second is a person of color that appears to be an immigrant, sitting by an empty plate. The third is old and resembles the media tycoon Rupert Murdoch, owner of many right-wing outlets. His plate is full of cookies. He is saying to the working-class guy: 'Careful mate... The foreigner wants your cookie!'. The typical populist-right method of gathering pollical support and deflecting opposition to its greedy predatory practices, is to find the poorest, most beaten group of people and blame everything bad on them. Immigrants are the easiest victims. Next in line are traditional scapegoats such as people of color, LGBTs, Muslims and Jews. Finaly, misogynistic propaganda can also be employed whenever the political opponent is a female.
All this is a battle proven tactic of the populist right since forever. The post-left agenda, however, by detaching itself from any relevant struggle for social equity and by hindering any chance of class solidarity, made the right-wing job quite straightforward. And the stronger the populist right became, the fiercest the culture war raged, and thus the post-left could call more of its own troops to arm. So, it came to be that these two adversary twins, the post-left and the populist-right, fed each other and assisted it in its campaign to hijack the traditional left and right platforms.
Still, humanism and the belief in universal moral values were very much alive up to the third decade of the new millennium. The fatal blow to the humanistic ideology as a dominant component of public sentiments was delivered by the most harmful of all the post-left inventions: postcolonialism.
Like several other destructive political ideologies, postcolonialism was developed originally from an authentic and justified criticism of modern society and its historical afflictions. Indeed, after enriching themselves by exploiting colonized nations and tribes, the European colonial powers pulled out, leaving in their wake devastation and chaos. Many current conflicts and crises worldwide can be traced back to colonial times.
Yet, as frequently happens, what started as legitimate and mostly accurate has been transmuted into the deranged. Complex historical and sociological circumstances were condensed into two simple principles: white man bad; violence is the answer. No more flower children for you! Get Charles Manson!
What really drove the postcolonial movement off the edge was the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, another open sore from the English rule era. Ingenuously, one would expect that Israel would be praised as a prime example for an indigenous nation that manage to obtain its ancestral land back from an oppressive colonial power. However, the Jewish state was founded through war with local Arab population and the neighboring Arab countries. This war ended with a resounding Arab defeat, and many of the local Arab population were driven from their homes to become refugees.
Arabs were among the favorite victims cherished by the postcolonial movement. Ironically, it was Arabic colonialism that made Muslim Arabs the dominant population throughout the Levant and north Africa. But since advocates of postcolonialism only care about European colonialism, this historical fact made little difference.
What made thing increasingly worse in the eyes of the post-left was that Israel became, starting from the 1970s, USA's pet ally. And since most of Israel's government since then were right wing, it was easy to hate them. So, the post-left activists rewrote history to create a narrative that suited their preferences. In this narrative, the Jewish national movement, i.e., Zionism, is actually a plot of European Jews and European governments to invade a foreign land of the peaceful indigenous Palestinians, violently rob their lands and hold to it while killing anyone that opposes their evil rule. This revisionist historical tale had almost no connection to reality, but reality is but a weak rival to emotional convictions.
The fervent anti-Israeli crusade bore disastrous results for both Palestinians and Israelis. It encouraged Palestinian extremism, convinced them to abandon the peace process that started baring fruits in the 1990s and resort to violence in a war they could only lose. This, in turn, drove the Israelis toward the hardline right-wing leaders and triggered further escalation. As the anti-Israeli post-left propaganda became increasingly menacing and vicious, Islamic fundamentalist got more assured in their delusional fantasies of subjugating the Israelis by force, and the Israelis more antagonistic to the Palestinian imploration for liberty.
What had started as a moral campaign for that termination of the west-bank occupation and inauguration of a free Palestinian state, ended as a rallying against the existence of Israel and the legitimacy of Jewish nationalism, aka Zionism. Palestinian nationalism was good; Jewish nationalism was evil and colonialist, because Jews are, supposedly, just white Europeans, masquerading as indigenous. The post-left has finally made it all the way back to the antisemitic, racist far-right. The gun Frantz Fanon hang on the wall at the first act by promoting violent resistance against colonialists in order to, basically, empower the subjected natives, now fired its shot by providing a legitimacy to fascist fundamentalists to massacre innocent civilians, which were, absurdly, just another tribe of indigenous people.
Sometimes good intentions pave the way to hell. By forsaking natural, universal moral values and adopting a political theory tailored to make the oppressed, or the allegedly oppressed, feel good about themselves, the post-left finally hit rock bottom. Inheriting the postmodern belief that language creates reality, it implemented a jargon that dehumanizes anyone whose group identity conflicted with the praised Noble Savages. If you belong to the wrong tribe, you cannot do good, and your wellbeing doesn’t matter. If you belong to the right tribe, your every act is justified. And, to make matters worse, this extreme reactionary ideology called itself "progressive" and covered itself in a coat of sanctimonious moralistic rage. Slavers and Nazis at least knew deep down (or not so deep down) they were evil. But when you paint yourself as savior of the oppressed, you naturally can maintain a high opinion about yourself.
There are still quite a few people who believe in authentic left-wing principles and its humanistic values. Yet, the true liberal left has become deeply confused. The dogmatic and violent social intimidation of the post-left mob forced the soft-hearted liberals to take cover. Many caught the Stockholm Syndrome and are trying to fit their views into the "progressive" agenda. Unless they wake up and realize their movement had been hijacked, humanism will die as a relevant ideology. It is already in a critical condition.