Endowment Deed Huntress

Female figures in Ottoman Empire Sultanate of Women History Blog

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Gülnus Sultan’s Family Tree

Following the death of Sultan Mehmed IV’s infant son and daughter in 1660, his first son by Gülnuş Sultan, Mustafa, was born in Edirne on June 2, 1664. His second prince, Ahmed, was born on December 2, 1673, in Hacıoğlupazarı, as Haseki Gülnuş Sultan, who was pregnant, had accompanied him on his campaign to Poland. Upon the prince’s birth, birth celebrations were held in the town of Babadağ and in the Bilâdi Selâse (Istanbul, Edirne, Bursa). (Source: Abdurrahman Abdi Pasha’s Chronicle —Arnavut Abdurrahman Abdi Pasha who lived between 1616–1686 was an Ottoman politician and military leader of Albanian descent.) Both princes of Mehmed IV were raised in a free environment, enjoying outdoor activities with their father who enjoyed hunting expeditions, unbothered by the otherwise limiting, confining and sometimes even mentally challenging nature of the Ekberiyet (seniority) system.

Family tree ➡️Sultan Mehmed IV and Gülnus Sultan have two sons: Sultan Mustafa II and Ahmed III

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Selim II’s accession to the throne was a turbulent time with Janissaries’ anger towards him, Mihrimah being a power broker and Sokollu’s competence saved him!

Arrival in Istanbul on September 24, 1566:

According to Selânikî, Selim II arrived in Istanbul on September 30th 1566 (15 Rebîülevvel 974) Feridun Bey say its September 23th, (8 Rebîülevvel), Vüsûlî say it’s Monday September 21th. (6 Rebîülevvel) However on the Islamic calendar Monday is 9 Rebîülevvel. (September 24th) Contemporary historians such as Lokman, Cenâbî and Mehmed b. Mehmed all agree it’s September 24th.

When Selim II arrived in Istanbul, he first ordered the Topkapı Palace to be cleaned, and was greeted there by his sister, Mihrimah Sultan. Upon his accession to the throne, Şeyhülislâm Ebüssuûd Efendi, the Governor of Istanbul İskender Pasha, and other state officials and members of the ulema pledged allegiance to Selim II.

Marcantonio had read the following to the Venetian Senate in 1562 about Mihrimah Sultan, some years before Selim’s accession to the throne, soon after the assassination of Bayezid:

“…yet, a few months later, Mihrimah relieved these acts to His Majesty (offering financial support to Beyazid) by telling him that she carried these actions out of the wishes of her dying mother. The same Sultana, upon being informed of the death of her brother and nephews, displayed no visible grief, not wishing anything except to return to the Old Palace, in which she was already staying after her return to Constantinople, and from where, in these days, are coming out the Most Serene Sultan Selim’s three daughters (Ismihan, Gevherhan and Sah), who are making preparations to move to the new homes of their husbands. Mihrimah does not show any sign of happiness concerning these weddings. His Majesty Süleyman is greatly displeased with all this, a fact which is affirmed by those persons who are in his inner circle, yet Mihrimah does not seem to be taking note of it. As for Sultan Selim, who is said to be aware of all this, and who is known not to love either this Mihrimah Sultan nor his mother, nor the aforementioned magnificent Rustem Pasha, his brother-­ in-law, he seems to be of a different opinion from Sultan Suleyman, which stems not as much from the disdain caused by these acts, but from the Sultana’s great wealth, which will probably serve Selim to endure this indignity with more ease.”

Secretary’s prediction proved accurate, Mihrimah’s influence persisted even after the end of Süleyman’s reign and she made use of her great wealth. The royal treasury had been emptied by Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent and carried to Hungary to wage the Szivetgar campaign. Mihrimah rushed to her brother’s aid, lending him the desperately needed gold coins to cover the obligatory accession donation. Selim II took the 50.000 gold coins from his sister upon his accession and Mihrimah proved to be a power broker through Selim’s reign.

From his accession to October 25th, 1566:

While traveling from Edirne to Belgrade, he received a letter from Sokullu Mehmed Pasha. The letter reported that they were trying to keep the Sultan Suleiman’s death a secret to prevent unrest amongst Janissaries, but news of his accession in Istanbul had reached the troops and was spreading among them; Selim was urged to come immediately and join the army.

According to Selânikî, who was with the army at the time, Selim had come as far as Vukovar to join the army but was forced to return to Belgrade upon receiving a new letter from Sokullu. Sokullu had informed him that if he met the army, the soldiers would demand an accession bonus (cülûs bahşişi), that the appropriate time window for a campaign had already passed, that immediately leaving right after arrival would not be appropriate. On October 21, the army set out from Sigetvar for Belgrade; on October 24–25, the news of Kanuni’s death was officially announced.

First disagreement with the Janissaries as a new Sultan:

To appease the soldiers, promises of an accession bonus (cülûs bahşişi) and promotions (terakki) were made. Following this, Sokullu sent a memorandum to the sultan with the following instructions: 1. the imperial tent should be set up 2. the sultan should come before the tent and ascend the throne (an Ottoman ascension ceremony called cülûs) 3. everyone should kiss the hem of his robe 4. he should personally announce that he would grant the soldiers bonuses (cülûs bahşişi) and promotions (terakki).

Selim II—who had already ascended the throne in Istanbul—did not wish to hold another ceremony. As a result, upon realizing their bonuses were at stake, the “kapıkulu askerleri” (Janissaries and troops) started to become restless.

The Janissaries got furious when Selim indeed made no mention of such compensation in Belgrade at the conclusion of his father’s funerary prayer. When the Janissaries vented their anger toward Selim, the Sultan gave up and paid, but paid them less than what they expected, with a promise that he would pay the remaining amount once the soldiers returned to their barracks and Selim to his palace. (Source: İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi)

The Janissaries’ rebellious demeanor intensified when the procession reached Istanbul, as they demanded to be paid before the Sultan reached the palace. Selim appeased the Janissaries with great difficulty, and he owed this to his late father’s grand vizier, Sokollu Mehmed Pasha. (Source: Selânikî) After reaching the inner palace, Sultan Selim II offered the donations, not only to the Janissaries, but also to the provincial troops who had fought on his side against Prince Bayezid at the Battle of Konya (Şehzadeler Muharebesi) and to the members of the ulema class. (Source: Şerafettin Turan, “Selim II”):

Jannissaries block the roads on December 5th:

The Janissaries who demanded higher pay and promotions were dissatisfied when Selim paid them less than they expected and threatened to settle the matter in Istanbul. Furthermore, the Janissaries reacted harshly toward the Anatolian soldiers who had accompanied the sultan, going so far as to attack them. Thus, facing a serious crisis even during his accession and having been tested by Grand Vizier Sokullu Mehmed Pasha through this incident in some sense, Selim II eventually yielded to the demands of the Janissaries. Indeed, upon arriving in Istanbul on December 5th, the Janissaries blocked the roads, using the lack of promotions and bonuses as an excuse.

The Janissaries became violent: They knocked the Second Vezir, Pertev Pasha, and the Kaptan-ı Derya, Piyale Pasha, off their horses and struck the Third Vezir, Ferhad Pasha, with the butt of a rifle. Sokullu Mehmed Pasha had to intervene, and they convinced the new sultan to accept their demands for additional bonuses and promotions. Selim II was only able to enter the palace after they calmed down. Having witnessed the power and capabilities of the Janissaries firsthand, Selim II entrusted all affairs to the Grand Vizier. However, as his first act, he appointed his son-in-law Piyale Pasha and the Anatolian Beylerbey Zal Mahmud Pasha to the office, and his tutor Hüseyin Pasha to the governorship of Anatolia.

In Costantino Garzoni’s 1573 relazione, Sokollu Mehmet Pasha’s unilateral power would be highlighted and Selim II’s gratefulness to Sokollu Mehmet Pasha’s help during the days of his accession would be mentioned briefly:

“Selim leaves the management of the state and the faring of wars in the hands of Grand Vizier Mehmed Pasha, although the latter would never put into effect any act of great consequence without consulting with the Grand Signore. While Selim wants to be briefed on the opinions of each and every vizier-­pasha, he fully trusts the Grand Vizier Mehmed Pasha on the basis of his long experience in the affairs of state, his mature age, and his being a son-­ in-law. In addition, the Sultan wishes to prove his gratefulness for Mehmed’s help in connection with the death of Süleyman.”

The Venetian bailo Barbaro will mention Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmet Pasha as the only competent member of the Imperial Council in a 1573 Relazioni:

“The entire administration is vested in Mehmet Pasha, the first vizier. If I were not restricted with time and space, I would volunteer to relate not without marvel how it could be possible for a single man to carry the hefty load that is placed on his shoulders. Yet he does indeed do so, and all because there is no other person in that government who would listen to and act upon the many proposals, actions, news, and developments about matters affecting the empire…”

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Haseki Hurrem Sultan’s Charity Projects and Patronage

🩵Around 14 years old, she was presented to Suleyman in late 1521, to a 26 year old Suleyman who was born in late 1495

🩵Mother of Mehmet, Mihrimah, Selim, Abdullah, Beyazid, Cihangir and possibly other unknown daughters

🩵Legal wife of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent. Letter written by Genoese Bank of Saint George representative describes Hurrem Sultan’s wedding.

Haseki title being created for her for the first time, Hürrem Sultan had an unprecedented the role amongst the imperial women in the 16th century Ottoman Empire. By acting as a major patron of the arts and architecture, she utilized the Islamic tradition of endowments.

Her Patronage:

The Haseki Sultan Complex (also Hürrem Sultan Complex) (Turkish: Haseki Sultan Külliyesi) in Avratpazari (the former female slave market in Istanbul (1537-1551)

The buildings were designed by the architect Mimar Sinan. It was his first imperial project but it’s possible his predecessor is credited for some design elements.

Haseki Hospital is still an active hospital in Türkiye, named after her.

The Haseki Hamamı in Bahçekapı (also historically referred to as the Eminönü Haseki Hamamı or Çarşı Hamamı), was a public bathhouse — again built by Mimar Sinan. (1537-1540) plan drawn by Heinrich Gluck

Eminönü Daye Hatun Neighborhood Halıcılar Hanı (kervansarai) (1540)

Haseki Sultan Mosque in Ankara (1540)

Haseki Mosque was located in Ulus, Tahtakale Neighborhood. It was destroyed by fire during the fire known as the Tahtakale fire (on July 18-19, 1929).

Her complex in Macca and Medina (1548-1552)

Haseki Sultan Complex in Jerusalem (1549-1557)

Ayasofya Hürrem Sultan Hamamı (also known as Haseki Hürrem Sultan Hamamı) is a Turkish bath situated directly between the Hagia Sophia and the Blue Mosque in Sultanahmet, Istanbul. The bathhouse was commissioned in 1556 and was designed by the legendary Ottoman architect Mimar Sinan.

Edirne Haseki Waterways (Haseki Suları) are an engineering network designed by Mimar Sinan. Commissioned in 1530 by Hürrem Sultan and completed in 1556, the system channeled fresh spring water from the Taşlımüsellim and Pravdi regions, located about 45 km northeast of Edirne, into the city.

Her commissioned projects were spread across the empire and were not limited to the capital.

She was also behind the patronage of a couple of repair works.

Haseki Hürrem Sultan was the first woman in the Ottoman world to commission such a large number of structures across a vast geographical area; moreover, she was unique in that she did so during her tenure as Haseki, without holding the title of “Valide Sultan.” Commissions date back to 1530’s, when she started to gain tremendous amount of influence after gaining her Haseki title.

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The poem exchange between Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent and Prince Beyazid during his imprisonment in Safavid Empire

The poems written by Prince Bayezid to his father, Suleyman the Magnificent, in which he sought forgiveness (but was denied by his father) are famously known as “Prince Bayezid's Response” poems.

They are considered amongst the saddest texts in Ottoman literature, and the poem exchange happened during his imprisonment in Safavid Empire, shortly before his imminent execution…

Suleyman’s poem to Beyazid

O son, you who have become the embodiment of rebellion and defiance,

O son, you who have never heeded my command, Would I have harmed you, O my Bayezid Khan, my son?

At least do not claim innocence; repent, my dear son.

For the sake of the prophets and saints, the great souls,

For the sake of Noah, Abraham, and Moses, son of Mary,

For the sake of the Seal of Prophecy, the Pride of the World,

Do not say you are innocent, my dear son, repent.

For Mecnun, who did not bear Adam’s name, the deserts are a resting place,

Those who flee from the proximity of devotion always fall far away,

If you say, “Alas, the pain of separation,”

Do not say you are innocent, my dear son, repent.

(The poem continues)

Beyazid’s poem to Suleyman

O Sultan Suleiman, my father, ruler of the entire world,

The life of my body, the beloved within my soul, my father,

Would you harm your beloved Bayezid, my father?

I am innocent; God knows, my mighty sultan, my father.

For the sake of Adam, the first of the prophets,

And also for the sake of Moses, Jesus, and Mary,

And for the sake of the Great Spirit, the Lord of the Universe,

I am innocent; God knows, my mighty sultan, my father.

God Almighty has made you the king of the world;

Do not kill your servant and make your enemy laugh, O King.

Do not separate me from the light of my eyes, my sons.

I am sinless; God knows; my noble sultan, my father.

Let my two hands be drenched in blood from head to toe.

This is the saying: “What if a servant commits a sin?”

Forgive Bayezid’s sin; do not slay this servant.

I am innocent; God knows, my noble sultan, my father.

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Humasah Sultan: Prince Mehmet’s Daughter

🩵Updated on June 3rd, 2026

Hümâşah Sultan is the only daughter of Sehzade Mehmet and when he passed away in 1543, she was about 2 or 3 years old according to Allahverdi. She was raised with great care and affection in the harem under her grandmother’s (Haseki Hurrem Sultan) guidance.

Çağatay Uluçay mentions Humasah’s letters in his book “The Women and Daughters of the Sultans” (Turkish: Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları) Humasah wrote sincere and touching letters to her grandfather during his campaigns. A letter written by Hümâşah to her grandfather can be found in the Ottoman archives in modern day. In her letter to Sultan Suleyman, she expresses her great joy at receiving a letter from her grandfather. She wishes mercy upon her deceased grandmother. She prays for her grandfather, saying, "May Allah Almighty increase your days a thousandfold." She also asks about her grandfather's health, informing him that she is well. She signed the letter with "Your Cariye (a sign of humbleness), Hümâşah." Another one of her letters that can be found in the archives, is addressed to Prince Selim (future Selim II), her uncle. In her letter, she inquires about her uncle's health and well-being. She reports that both she and her Sultan Grandfather (Suleyman) are doing very well. Her wakf documents also include simple Turkish words when addressing her relatives, suggesting an intimate, cozy, simple way of life.

Çağatay Uluçay shows that members of the dynasty were not only political figures but also a family who addressed each other with intimate titles such as "uncle" and "nephew." M. Çağatay Uluçay, in his book "The Wives and Daughters of the Sultans," has brought similar letters to the present day by simplifying or transcribing them from their original language. The work is considered one of the fundamental sources for understanding the roles of palace women in social life and within the family.

Born: According to Allahverdi, she was 2-3 years old by 1543.

Death: Seyyid Lokman record her death date as after May 25th, 1577 (But her second husband passed away in 1580 and she remarried)

First Husband: Ferhad Pasha - married in 1559, passed away in 1575

Second Husband: Lala Mustafa Pasha - passed away in 1580

Third Husband: Gazi Mehmed Pasha - passed away in August 1592

Will written in 1570: includes the words “my sons and daughters” suggesting multiple children alive at that year

Wakf mentions Sultan Suleyman, Sehzade Mehmet, Mihrimah Sultan.

Children: 8 kids from Ferhad Pasha according to Selaniki: Mehmet (eldest son, named after her father), Fatma (eldest daughter married to Mehmed Bey), Osman (Sanjakbey of Bolu), Mustafa (Sanjakbey of Belgrade), Hatice

And Abdülbaki (from Lala Mustafa Pasha) (total of 9)

Humasah married for the first time in 1559 according to Allahverdi’s findings in her wakf. (Suleyman gifted her a palace according to her wakf documents in July 1559, considering her age this marriage date makes sense)

Her first husband was Vizier Mehmed Ferhad Pasha. He was a legendary master calligrapher with a license from Karahisar. Sultan Selim II had a palace built in Bayezid for his nephew Humasah. Ferhad Pasha and Hümâşah lived happily in this palace for nine years. Ferhad Pasha sold the Qurans he wrote in his own handwriting for one hundred gold coins. According to Uzuncarsili, he is Hattat Mustafa Pasha’s son, “Hattat” means calligrapher so it makes sense that he made hand made Qurans. His will was that his funeral shall be paid for with this “halal” money when he died. (February 2nd 1575 according to Selaniki) He compiled Sultan Suleiman's poems in his own handwriting while still alive. The most exquisite example of Muhibbi's Divan has survived to this day thanks to his efforts.

Ferhad Pasha performed many charitable acts during his lifetime. He commissioned Mimar Sinan to build the "Damat Ferhad Pasha" mosque in Çatalca. Two Qurans, the product of his handwork, have survived to this day. They are exhibited in the Topkapi and Turkish Islamic Art Museums.

From her marriage to Ferhad Pasha, Hümâşah had 8 children according to Selaniki. (I’ve listed the names I was able to find)

Humasah’s life wasn’t exempt from tragedy. Two of her sons died in battle: Osman Bey, the Sanjakbey of Bolu, died in front of Baghdad.

Mustafa Pasha, the Sanjakbey of Belgrade, was another son of Humasah who died in battle. (Sons of Princesses were generally not the target of fratricide, as they were not considered the direct descendants of the Ottoman royal male line, but as they were promoted to higher government positions in the state, their duties sometimes led them to their death as we can see in this case. On the contrary, the only Ottoman Sultan to have died in battle was Murat I, or Murat Hudavendigar.)

Her daughter from this marriage, Fatma Sultan, sadly did not live long. She passed away in her twenties while married to Mehmed Bey.

All of Hümâşah's children are buried in the cemetery of the Şehzade Mosque. (Her father Mehmet’s burial ground) She is also buried here but her exact burial in the mausoleum is unknown. Ayvansarâyî says she lays on the left side of Prince Mehmet.

Ferhad Pasha passed away in 1575. Hümâşah married for a second time to Lala Mustafa Pasha. From this marriage, Abdülbâki Bey was born. Lala Mustafa Pasha passed away in August 8th 1580, five years after her first husband’s passing, and Humasah was widowed for a second time.

Gazi Mehmed Pasha became her third husband. From her endowment deed, we can make an analysis of her personality and spirit, and get a little bit more information about her parents.

In her endowment deed she requested that no one interfere between her children, neither “her mother”, nor her siblings or relatives…

These statements indicate that her mother was alive and that she had other siblings from her mother’s side, as her father passed away young. Additionally, this critical piece of information suggests that her mother remarried after her father's death and Humasah did not leave anything to her half siblings from her mother’s side or mother in her will.

According to Mrs. Allahverdi, we are not certain about the identity of Hümaşah Sultan's mother. When Prince Mehmed died in 1543, we can assume that she returned to the palace in Istanbul with Hümaşah Sultan, who was only 2-3 years old at the time, but she later left the palace. (*I’m confused about this part of her article. The information about Humasah’s age at the death of her father Mehmet from Allahverdi and Ozguldur doesn’t match. I can’t be sure if she was born before Mehmet’s passing, or some months after, but considering the time Mehmet was given Manisa province she can’t be much older than 2-3 years old.) Her daughter Hümaşah was raised by her grandfather, Sultan Suleyman, and her grandmother, Haseki Hürrem Sultan. Although we have no record of Hümaşah's mother remarrying after leaving the palace, the fact that Hümaşah Sultan mentions her mother and siblings in her will, written in 1570, suggests that her mother remarried.

It is also possible to gain insight into Hümaşah Sultan's personality from the endowment deed. She was a person so knowledgeable in Islamic sciences and such a devout Muslim that she could plan a funeral ceremony step by step according to Islamic principles, knowing and writing down all the prayers to be recited. After a lengthy prayer section in the endowment deed, there is a section where Hümaşah Sultan wrote about what should be done during and after her death. She meticulously planned everything from what should be done at her last breath, the number of people who would recite which prayer during the washing and burial, and how much money would be given to those people; to the prayers to be recited at the graveside, on the seventh and fortieth days, and the charitable acts to be performed, and how much money would be spent for these. She even stipulated that the people who would pray should be righteous men and women knowledgeable in the Quran; and that those who would receive alms and food should be poor, homeless, and those in prison.

In the continuation of the endowment deed, after stating that her children could choose to either live alone or together, however they wished, she advised them to get along well with each other. She also added clauses anticipating potential problems and disagreements in the coming years. For example, if they were living together and the house needed repairs, she clarified this issue with the sentence, "They should all work together in agreement, or the one who lives more in it should pay more for the repairs." We can tell Humasah Sultan was a person who paid attention to detail, and who could foresee various possibilities that may occur in the future.

In her will, she did not forget about her servants, leaving them a certain amount of money and mentioning their names individually.

According to the endowment deed, her servants included a total of forty people, including thirty-two concubines and eight gatekeepers. Humasah addressed to her daughters and sons:

"…These thirty-two concubines and gatekeepers, totaling forty, and all those who are present, whether big or small, concubines or gatekeepers, are not freed; they are all the pure property of my sons and daughters."

Sources:

CÜMLEDEN DESTUR İSTEYİP BAĞA HOŞÇA GİRİŞ: KANUNİ SULTAN SÜLEYMAN’IN OĞLU ŞEHZÂDELER GÜZİDESİ BAHTSIZ MEHMED’İN MANZUM HİKAYESİ — Serdar ÖZGÜLDÜR

Çağatay Uluçay “The Women and Daughters of the Sultans” (Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları)

Reyhan ŞAHİN ALLAHVERDI “An Orphan Sultan: Foundations of Şehzade Mehmed’s Daughter Hümasah Sultan”

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Names of Selim II’s Princes according to Seyyid Lokmân

Seyyid Lokmân recorded that upon Murad III’s accession (cülus), fratricide of five Sehzades of Selim II took place on December 22nd, 1574 Wednesday, and they were buried next to their father on the next day.

Selânikî also writes that the princes were killed on Wednesday and then buried next day on Thursday.

According to Seyyid Lokmân, Selim II’s Sehzades are named:

Murad, Süleyman, Osman, Cihangir, Abdullah, Mustafa, Mehmed and Mahmud (he recorded a total of eight princes)

😨He literally named a prince after every single brother of his except Beyazid! He really hated that man. One prince is named after his father as it’s the custom!

Mehmet passed away in 1572, sharing the same fate with his namesake Prince Mehmet “peerless amongst princes”, Suleyman’s son, who died 1543.

Lokmân doesn’t give the names of the five princes who were still alive at the time of their father’s death in particular, but since Mehmet died in 1572 and Murad took the throne, we can assume the victims of fratricide are Süleyman, Osman, Cihangir, Abdullah, Mustafa because Karaçelebizâde ve Atâyî only records seven total princes and doesn’t name Mahmud. Mahmud may have died young.

“We are the burning nightingales of the rose garden of separation; The breeze turns to fire as it passes through our rose garden” (from Selim’s Divan)

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Valide Gülnuş Sultan’s incredibly stressful time during Mustafa II’s deposition: How blind loyalty to Shaykh Al-Islam Feyzullah Efendi led to Edirne Incident in 1703

Picture: Mustafa II, Abdulcelil Levni, early 18th century

Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi is a key figure in Mustafa II’s reign, as he was a corrupt man who placed his sons or other family members in nearly all important governmental positions. Rumors also begun to circulate at this time, that he was making efforts to increase his wealth through various fraudulent means. Count Pyotr Andreyevich Tolstoy served as Tsar Peter the Great’s first permanent envoy to the Ottoman Empire from 1702 to 1709, observed this corruption well and actually even predicted that soon there will be a revolt. (However, he thought the revolt would take place in Istanbul — not in Edirne, where the revolt took form)

Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi was so influential, there was this constant stream of Grand Viziers who were dismissed one after another after displeasing him.

It was well known that Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi exerted influence over nearly every decision Mustafa II made. He had served as Mustafa’s tutor and Mustafa harbored a great sense of loyalty towards him. In the end, this blind loyalty would lead to his deposition.

“…When Sultan Mustafa Han ascended the throne, his teachers, led by Seyyid Feyzullah Efendi, were in Erzurum; they sent an imperial decree inviting him to Edirne. Subsequently, he was appointed Grand Mufti, and by placing the reins of authority in his hands, they secured a degree of complete independence such that, to this day, no one has been able to speak a single word against him; whichever of the Dârüssa’âde aghas or the distinguished viziers intended to speak out, no good came of it for them. To secure their positions, the viziers, commanders, and other officials would seek refuge at their doors and, through their intercession and pleas, attain high offices…”

(Source: Özcan, Anonim Osmanlı Tarihi, p. 223.)

Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi was so influential and corrupt that he would famously say:

“…the vizier is our own apprentice…” (vezîr bizim kendi çırağımızdır) (Source: Silahdâr Fındıklılı Mehmed Ağa)

The Edirne Incident: The new Grand Vizier Rami Mehmed Pasha was trying to find a way to get rid of him. On July 18th, 1703, after a series of events that started in Georgia, the movement swelled into a massive coalition of janissaries, tradesmen, and citizens who demanded the dismissal of the Grand Vizier and the execution of Feyzullah Efendi. Ambassador Tolstoy’s reports indicate the palace didn’t envision these event would lead to the deposition of the Sultan as “one correspondence was postponed for only five days”

Since Valide Gülnus Sultan had already witnessed the deposition of Mehmed IV (Mustafa’s father) in her lifetime, she was extremely distressed and worried about her son Mustafa’s fate from the very beginning of this uprising.

Mustafa II, aware of his mother’s concerns, tried to reassure her with the words, “…they have deposed me from the throne and made my brother Sultan Ahmed sultan in my place; may Allah bless my children and my beloved servants, may they be entrusted to Allah…” and had indicated that he abdicated.

Furthermore, the account of how Sultan Mustafa II was forced to abdicate and was betrayed by the viziers and soldiers whom he trusted shows us the pain caused by betrayal: “… No, no, it’s over, words have run out, my viziers and my loyal officers are in unison with those wicked bandits of ill character; I seek refuge in the Almighty from their evil. May he destroy them all…” (Source: Silahdâr Fındıklılı Mehmed Ağa)

He passed away about five months later, due to sadness and urinary issues and cirrhosis (Source: Abdülkadir Özcan, “Mustafa II”)

On August 24, 1703, Mustafa’s full brother Ahmed III first visited the Chamber of the Holy Mantle (hırka-i şerîf) and after offering prayers, sat on the throne set up before the Babü’s-saade where the customary accession ceremony (cülus) was held.

…another one of Gulnus’s sons had become the Sultan.

Gulnus would pass away in 1715, and luckily, wouldn’t witness yet another deposition, but both of her sons would share their father’s fate…

Raşid Mehmed Efendi and Silahdâr Fındıklılı Mehmed Ağa are good sources for this period and I’ve also mentioned several researchers already in the above posts. Abdülkadir Özcan, “Mustafa II” is a paper you could find for this period in the empire.

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Price of a Slave Concubine in 18th Century Ottoman Empire

In this post I’d like to make a list of purchases made in early 18th century Ottoman Empire. These purchases include various concubines; and I will compare their cost and purpose.

Ahmed III’s daughter Fatma Sultan’s “kethuda” (stewardess) depicts Ahmed III visit to her new palace in September 1709 in her own words: “When our revered and venerable master (Ahmed III) went to the palace of the blessed Fatma Sultan …” With this information, we can safely assume Fatma Sultan had already moved to her new residence by September 1709 at the age of five after her marriage to Silahtar Ali Pasha. Her disappearance from a palace record also indicate she was already granted a new residence for herself. Fatma had her own household with her servants and slave concubines. Her marriage to the reportedly handsome Silahdar Ali Pasha would last from 1709 to 1716, until his death in a battle, but the Paşa Kapisi Palace would become her forever home and even after marrying her second husband Nevsehirli Damat Ibrahim Pasha — who was a whole four decades older and whom the young princess had trouble getting used to—, the couple would continue to live in this residence.

Fatma’s father Ahmed III had spent 21.000 kuruş for the renovation of the Paşa Kapisi palace which had minimum 20 rooms and four pavillions.

Let’s compare the House renovation costs in this period (early 18th century Ottoman Empire) to the price of a concubine:

Ahmed III sent her daughter Fatma four skilled concubines who would each serve as cook, and one of them was a skilled embroidery artist. We can assume Ahmed III wanted these women to provide the little Fatma the same comforts and luxury worthy of an Ottoman princess in her new home, and unlike the slave concubines that served reproductive purpose these ladies were there to guide, protect and raise the little Sultan who was only 5 years old at the time. (As Silahtar was barred from spending time with her alone until she came of age— which never happened due to his death in battle.)

In this sense, her first husband Silahtar Ali Pasha also took some responsibility as it was customary in Islamic tradition for a man to provide for his wife, and purchased three concubines for his young wife in 1714:

Russian concubine: cost 670 kuruş

Circassian concubine: cost 950 kuruş

A concubine named Alemsah: cost 930 kuruş

Total cost for 3 concubines in 1714: 2550 kuruş

Fatma’s house renovation cost before 1709: 21.000 kuruş

(I’m not knowledgeable about the inflation rates during this time, but the purchases happened more or less within the same decade)

Around this time, a concubine purchased for Imperial Harem would cost around 120-325 kuruş, and this price was deemed “reasonable”. That said if the concubine had any spectacular skills, like if she played any musical instruments, this would tremendously increase her price. For example, around this time a concubine who played “kanun” had a cost of 1200 kuruş, and a “neyzen” concubine had a cost of 1100 kuruş.

Cost for a regular concubine in Imperial Harem: 120-325 kuruş

Cost for a concubine who was skilled at a musical instrument: 1100-1200 kuruş

👸 The fact that these individuals are referred to as ladies in the relevant record suggests that they may have been purchased for specific purposes, such as serving as governesses to the young Fatma Sultan, educating the sultan, and teaching her the rules of etiquette. This information proves not every slave concubine served for reproductive purposes, and some of them built their careers with their specific talents and education, in a degree that would be considered appropriate to teach a young Ottoman Princess.

👸 Some questions popped up in my mind: Were they raised from their childhood specifically to serve as musicians, teachers, childcare workers, cooks or embroidery artists and strictly forbidden from serving a male master? Or, did they earn their way up by studying these skills while occasionally entertaining a male master? Did they “graduate” from sexual slavery at some point in their life, and started to focus on other purposes while continuing to live their life as a slave? That’s a mystery.

French traveler Aubry de La Motraye suggests that when Ottoman Princesses were married off as children, until they would come of age and consummate their marriages, the sultan would offer their husbands an “Odalik” and would let the Vizier husband entertain himself with her until the young princess was ready. We don’t know whether this would apply to Silahtar Ali Pasha or not, as we cannot know what exactly happened in his personal residence. Although Fatma met Silahtar on certain occasions, they weren’t allowed to consummate their marriage or spend time alone and before she came of age her husband would die in battle.

Silahtar Ali Pasha had purchased three concubines for his Ortakoy villa:

Russian concubine: 236 kuruş

Another concubine: 800 kuruş

Georgian concubine, purchased with her son and daughter: 444 kuruş

There is no way of knowing if Silahtar Ali Pasha used any of these concubines as “Odalik”, however.

Source:

Saduman Tuncer, Padişah kızlarının küçük yaşlarda yaptıkları şekli evlilikler: III. Ahmed’in kızı Fatma Sultan örneği (I know I praise each researcher, but this was yet another fascinating read and I just LOVE female history, please go read his paper with AI translation if necessary. Fatma was Ahmed III’s favorite daughter from his favorite wife, Emetullah Bas Kadin, and it was a pleasure to read her life story!)

[endowmentdeedhuntress]

Lady Mary Wortley Montagu

Have you heard of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu?

As the wife of the British ambassador to the Ottoman Empire (1717–1718), she became one of the first Westerners to access elite Ottoman women's quarters, and has some very nuanced, open-minded, emotionally mature and at times vivacious opinions of the women and their living quarters she has seen. I’ve seen her depictions being cited by historians and I would like to share this brilliant English woman who quickly adapted to this completely foreign culture and learned the subtle cues of Ottoman society. She provides insight into interiors, upper class Ottoman women, slave women, and various Ottoman traditions of that time.

She also observed the Ottoman practice of variolation to prevent smallpox during this time.

You can read more about her cheerful and exciting depictions of the women in Ottoman society!

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Was Architect Sinan (Mimar Sinan) in love with Mihrimah Sultan? Let’s find out!

There are several works of fictional art that depicts the legendary Ottoman architect Mimar Sinan as a love interest of Mihrimah Sultan. He is often portrayed as a hopeless romantic who poured his love into Üsküdar and Edirnekapı Mosques he built for her after her marriage to Rüstem Pasha in 1539.

Simge Özer Pınarbaşı, in her work “Mimar Sinan’ı Romanlarla Tanımak,” analyses this phenomenon.

When we analyze the life trajectory of Architect Sinan and his career, we can see that this idea is completely false and based on fiction.

Mihrimah and Rüstem married in 1539, so we can assume Suleyman started considering marriage options for her some time before that. Sinan, who was a devşirme (convert) was already above 50 years old by that time.

A turning point in Sinan’s career was during the 1538 Karaboğdan Campaign: on the recommendation of Vezir Lütfi Pasha (Sah Sultan’s husband, who was infamously involved in a disturbing incident concerning the cruel treatment of a prostitute followed by domestic abuse of his wife 🫠) he quickly built a bridge across the Prut River to allow the army to cross in safety. He was appointed chief architect upon returning from the campaign after this achievement. (Gülru Necipoğlu, The Age of Sinan: Architectural Culture in the Ottoman Empire Princeton University)

However, as man in his 50’s who is just at the beginning of his career by late 1530’s, Sinan could not be considered amongst the potential suitors for Mihrimah Sultan. (Princesses can marry much older suitors, but that happens when they hold important government positions, one example is Ahmed III’s daughter Fatma Sultan who married Nevsehirli Damat Ibrahim Pasha who was a whole four decades older than her)

Furthermore, the idea that he saw Mihrimah and fell in love with her is not supported by the contemporary sources nor does it seem theoretically plausible considering the strict Islamic tradition. Given the restrictions on royal family members’ contact with the outside world, it is highly unlikely that a man like Sinan would have been able to privately meet Mihrimah Sultan in person and harbor feelings towards her.

In 1560, the Venetian bailo Marino di Cavalli reported that, although it was permissible under Islamic law, Rüstem and his mother-in-law Hürrem Sultan, had never even spoken face to face: “Rüstem Pasha… was his mother-in-law’s favorite, but Hurrem had never seen him, as among the Turks there was a custom that women did not meet with men other than their husbands and fathers.” But this might be a cultural interpretation of the Venetian bailo as Suleyman was a rule breaker in many ways and it is possible that Hurrem caused more “scandals” than she already did.

As for Mihrimah’s future husband, according to a report by the Venetian bailo, Daneillo de’ Ludovisi, in 1534, “a young and skilled mîrâhur named Rüstem had established a close relationship with the sultan” by then. We cannot know when exactly Suleyman thought the idea of a marriage is plausible, but Rüstem’s skills (he later proved to be one of the greatest Grand Viziers of 16th century) must be noticed by him. There are accounts by Navagero about how he was noticed by the sultan but these accounts are debatable.

In 1539, when Mihrimah was around 17 years old, she married Rüstem Pasha. At that time, Rustem Pasha was already in his late 30’s. The fact that Suleyman overlooked such a significant age difference (which, unfortunately was a smaller age difference compared to some future Ottoman royal couples) and decided to marry his only daughter to Rüstem—whom contemporary sources unanimously described as neither handsome nor even attractive—has been a subject of criticism. It appears that Süleyman had been observing Rüstem for some time, and finally picked him as his future son in law, and carried on with the marriage preparations despite all objections. Rüstem and Mihrimah got married, and had a long line of descendants, Mihrimah’s son in law and her daughter’s son in law also became future Grand viziers of the Ottoman Empire.

Recommended researchers on this topic: Zahit Atcil is a historian who has studied Sehzade Mustafa, Rüstem Pasha and Mihrimah elaborately. His papers on these figures are highly recommended!

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Hurrem and Mihrimah’s Letters to Sigismund II Augustus

The condolence letters written by both Hürrem Sultan and Mihrimah Sultan to Sigismund II Augustus, who succeeded the elderly King Sigismund of Poland upon his death, as well as responses to a letter they received from the King, which they sent to Warsaw via a messenger named Hasan Ağa, highlight the global political influence of Haseki Hurrem Sultan and Mihrimah Sultan. In ther reply letter, the part “..the Protector of the World was so pleased that it is beyond description. He said that the great king was like a brother to us. May Allah the Merciful grant that we may be like father and son with this king, and from this joy, His Majesty issued a noble decree..” mentioning Suleyman the Magnificent directly to the king, shapes an image of Hurrem that is similar to an ambassador/envoy.

(The originals of the letters are preserved in the Turkish documents section of the Archivum Glowne Dawnych in Warsaw.)

Hurrem

“May it be known to His Majesty the King that, following the passing of your father, it has been reported that you have ascended to the throne. May it be blessed. God, the All-Knowing and All-Wise, is aware that this has brought joy and delight, filling our hearts with light and our souls with gladness. The command belongs to Allah, the Exalted. It is necessary to act in accordance with the principle that “the judgment belongs to Allah,” and this letter of affection has been sent to your noble court by our Hasan Ağa. Upon its arrival, we humbly entreat your boundless generosity and mercy, so that whatever -the aforementioned individual may present or state anything in your noble presence, it is to be known from this side and accepted with good faith and trust. What else is there to say that should remain hidden from you.”

The humble supplicant Haseki Sultan el hakire (Haseki Sultan, the lowly one)

—

Mihrimah

“May it be known to His Majesty the King that we have received news of your father’s passing. May you act in accordance with the divine decree: “To God we belong, and to Him we shall return.” May your reign be blessed—amen, O Lord of the Worlds. Upon hearing this news, our hearts were filled with joy and delight, and this humble servant, who is a companion of His Excellency the Pasha, has sent a letter of affection to your noble court on behalf of our Hasan Aga. Upon its arrival, we humbly beseech your boundless generosity and mercy that, once it reaches your noble court, it may not be delayed but promptly forwarded to the other side. May your life -and your reign may remain steadfast and enduring, by the grace of God, forever and ever.”

The humble supplicant Hanım Sultan el hakire (Lady Sultan, the lowly one)

—

Hurrem’s reply to the King

“May Allah prolong the life of His Majesty the King and make one of his days equal to a thousand. This is what I, the humble one, have to say: When your letter of affection arrived and reached me, I was so overjoyed and delighted that it is beyond description. In its noble content, your health and well-being are evident, as is your longing - and your devotion to the Sultan of the World -penah, are expressed in such a way that it is beyond description. May your life be prolonged, and may you never be deprived of the joy of speaking. After presenting the expressions of affection in your noble letter and the friendships mentioned by my servant Hasan to the Sultan, the Sultan - the Protector of the World was so pleased that it is beyond description. He said that the great king was like a brother to us. May Allah the Merciful grant that we may be like father and son with this king, and from this joy, His Majesty issued a noble decree and sent my servant Hasan to your noble court. And may His Majesty the King be informed that, should any matter arise in the Sultan’s presence regarding you, we would consider it a great honor to speak of you with such kindness. In the spirit of this friendship, to accompany this letter of affection, two pairs of trousers and a shirt, along with six handkerchiefs and one face cloth, have been sent. Please excuse the humble package, for items worthy of you were not sent. Insha’Allahurrahman, from now on, let us Baki, may your life and reign endure forever. By God, forever”

(Mihrimah also replied to the King in a similar fashion, but I would like to post shorter, less mentally draining posts here for a while so I didn’t include it. It’s pretty similar to her mom’s letter tho )