I can tell that @bakedaspie has no life a lot of time on his hands by how much heâs obsessively trolling your blog.
lmao he complains about old data! Hilarious considering most available data on the effects pornography is old because that very data has shown causal links between pornography consumption and acceptance/likelihood of violence against women, causing review boards to ban researchers exposing participants to pornography in social experiments. Itâs also amusing how he dismisses actual formal research and data, meanwhile he thinks we should listen to his unsourced story.
If he wants to put all his free time to good use, he could read the provided sources (which are, or are based on, formal studies and reports) that prove just how wrong he is.
Impact on Sexual Violence and Exploitation:
Hardcore Pornography Portrays Paraphilic Disorders and Extreme Sex: Since the 1950s, the distribution and availability of pornography has become increasingly normalized.[i] Pornography exposure among college males is now almost universal.[ii] Boys and men are consuming hardcore pornography, which may include depictions of sex with persons who look like children, teens, scenarios portraying incest, and other paraphilic interests such as sex with animals (i.e. zoophilia), excretory activities (i.e. coprophilia/urophilia), and violence against women, including rape (i.e. biastophilia) and torture (i.e. algolania).[iii] Today â⌠mainstream commercial pornography has coalesced around a relatively homogenous script involving violence and female degradation.â[iv]
Teaches Users that Women Enjoy Sexual Violence: Analysis of the 50 most popular pornographic videos (those bought and rented most often) found that 88% of scenes contained physical violence, and 49% contained verbal aggression.[v]Eighty-seven percent of aggressive acts were perpetrated against women, and 95% of their responses were either neutral or expressions of pleasure.[vi]
Committing Sexual Offenses and Accepting Rape Myths: A meta-analysis of 46 studies reported that the effects of exposure to pornographic material are âclear and consistent,â and that pornography use puts people at increased risk for committing sexual offenses and accepting rape myths.[vii]
Increased Verbal and Physical Aggression: A 2015 meta-analysis of 22 studies from seven countries found that internationally the consumption of pornography was significantly associated with increases in verbal and physical aggression, among males and females alike.[viii]
Increased Female Sexual Victimization: A study of 14- to 19-year-olds found that females who watched pornographic videos were at significantly greater likelihood of being victims of sexual harassment or sexual assault.[ix]
Increased Likelihood of Selling and Buying Sex: A Swedish study of 18-year-old males found that frequent users of pornography were significantly more likely to have sold and bought sex than other boys of the same age.[x]
Porn Fuels Demand for Sexual Exploitation: Some pornography consumers use pornography to build sexual excitement in advance of purchasing sex from prostituted persons; others seek to reenact pornographic scenes on prostituted persons.[xi] An analysis of 101 sex buyers, compared to 100 men who did not buy sex, found that sex buyers masturbate to pornography more often than non-sex buyers, masturbate to more types of pornography, and reported that their sexual preferences changed so that they sought more sadomasochistic and anal sex.[xii] Other research also demonstrates an association between purchase of commercial sex acts and pornography use.[xiii]
Interconnectivity of Mainstream, Deviant, and Child Sexual Abuse Images: A survey from a general population of Internet pornography users found that users of pornography depicting sexual abuse of children also consume both hardcore pornography (featuring ostensibly adult performers), as well animal pornography. There were no consumers of child sexual abuse images who only collected child sexual abuse images. [xiv]
A study examining 231 Swiss men charged in a 2002 case for possession of child sexual abuse images (i.e. child pornography), found that 60% percent also used pornography that depicted sexual acts with animals, excrement, or brutality; 33% consumed at least three or more types of deviant pornography. Researchers also found that those convicted for possessing child sexual abuse images were more likely to subscribe to commercial websites containing legal (according to Swiss law) pornographic material (19% vs. 4%). [xv]
Pornography is Prostitution for Mass Consumption: The medium by which the prostitution is conveyedâphotographs, magazines, books, videos, and the Internetâallows for masses of individuals to derive sexual stimulation and gratification from the acts of prostitution that they portray.
Pornography as a Form of Sexual Exploitation: âPornography may meet the legal definition of trafficking to the extent that the pornographer recruits, entices, or obtains the people depicted in pornography for the purpose of photographing commercial sex acts.â[xvi]
[i] Gail Dines, Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked Our Sexuality, (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2010), 1â23.
[ii] John D. Foubert, Matthew W. Brosi, and R. Sean Bannon, âEffects of Fraternity Menâs Pornography Use on Bystander Intervention, Rape Myth Acceptance and Behavioral Intent to Commit Sexual Assault,â Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity: The Journal of Treatment & Prevention 18, no. 4 (2011): 212â231.
[iii] Robert Peters, âHow Adult Pornography Contributes to Sexual Exploitation of Childrenâ (September 2009); Foubert, ibid; Ana Bridges, Robert Wosnitzer, Erica Scharrer, Chyng Sun, and Rachael Liberman, âAggression and Sexual Behavior in Best-Selling Pornography Videos: A Content Analysis Update,â Violence Against Women 16, no. 10 (2010): 1065-1085; Gail Dines, ibid.
[v] Ana J. Bridges, Robert Wosnitzer, Erica Scharrer, Chyng Sun, and Rachael Liberman, âAggression and Sexual Behavior in Best-Selling Pornography Videos: A Content Analysis Update,â Violence against Women 16, no. 10 (2010): 1065â1085.
[vii] Elizabeth Paolucci-Oddone, Mark Genuis, and Claudio Violato, âA Meta-Analysis of the Published Research on the Effects of Pornography,â The Changing Family and Child Development, ed. Claudio Violato, Elizabeth Paolucci, and Mark Genuis (Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2000), 48â59.
[viii] Paul J. Wright, Robert S. Tokunaga, and Ashley Kraus, âA Meta-Analysis of Pornography Consumption and Actual Acts of Sexual Aggression in General Population Studies,â Journal of Communication 66, no. 1 (February 2016): 183â205.
[ix] Silvia Bonino, Silvia Ciairano, Emanuela Rabagliette, and Elena Cattelino, âUse of Pornography and Self-Reported Engagement in Sexual Violence among Adolescents,â European Journal of Developmental Psychology 3, no. 3 (2006):265-288.
[x] Carl GĂśran Svedin, Ingrid Ăkerman, and Gisela Priebe, âFrequent Users of Pornography. A Population Based Epidemiological Study of Swedish Male Adolescents,â Journal of Adolescence 34, no. 4 (2011): 779â788.
[xi] Mimi H. Silbert and Ayala M. Pines, âPornography and Sexual Abuse of Women,â Sex Roles 10, no. 11/12 (1984): 857â868; Rachel Durchslag and Samir Goswami, Deconstructing the Demand for Prostitution: Preliminary Insights from Interviews with Chicago Men Who Purchase Sex, (Chicago, IL: Chicago Alliance Against Sexual Exploitation, 2008); Victor Malarek, The Johns: Sex for Sale and the Men Who Buy It (New York: NY Arcade Publishing, Inc. 2009).
[xii] Melissa Farley, Emily Schuckman, Jacqueline M. Golding, Kristen Houser, Laura Jarrett, Peter Qualliotine, Michele Decker, âComparing Sex Buyers with Men Who Donât Buy Sex: âYou can have a good time with the servitudeâ vs. âYouâre supporting a system of degradation.ââ Paper presented at Psychologists for Social Responsibility Annual Meeting July 15, 2011, Boston, MA. San Francisco: Prostitution Research & Education (2011).
[xiii] Steven Stack, Ira Wasserman, and Roger Kern, âAdult Social Bonds and Use of Internet Pornography,â Social Science Quarterly 85 (2004): 75â88; Martin A. Monto and Nick McRee, âA Comparison of the Male Customers of Female Street Prostitutes With National Samples of Men,â International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 49, no. 5 (2005): 505â529; Martin A. Monto, âSummary Report for National Institute of Justice Grant #97-IJ-CX-0033 âFocusing on the Clients of Street Prostitutes: A Creative Approach to Reducing Violence Against Womenââ (October 30, 1999); Durchslag, ibid.
[xiv] Kathryn C. Seigfried-Spellar and Marcus K. Rogers, âDoes Deviant Pornography Use Follow a Guttman-like Progression,â Computers in Human Behavior 29 (2013): 1997â2003.
[xv] JĂŠrĂ´me Endrass, Frank Urbaniok, Lea C. Hammermeister, Christian Benz, Thomas Elbert, Arja Laubacher, and Astrid Rossegger, âThe Consumption of Internet Child Pornography and Violent and Sex Offending,â BMC Psychiatry 9, no. 43 (2009).
[xvi] Melissa Farley, Jacqueline M. Golding, Emily Schuckman Matthews, Neil Malamuth, and Laura Jarrett, âComparing Sex Buyers with Men Who Do Not Buy Sex: New Data on Prostitution and Trafficking.â Journal of Interpersonal Violence, (2015).
_________________________________
Report of the Attorney Generalâs Commission on Pornography:
Section 5.2.1 Sexually Violent Material
âŚ[C]linical and experimental research ⌠[has] focused particularly on sexually violent material, [and] the conclusions have been virtually unanimous. In both clinical and experimental settings, exposure to sexually violent materials h as indicated an increase in the likelihood of aggression. More specifically, the research, ⌠shows a causal relationship between exposure to material of this type and aggressive behavior towards women.
âŚThe assumption that increased aggressive behavior towards women is causally related, for an aggregate population, to increased sexual violence is significantly supported by the clinical evidence, as well as by much of the less scientific evidence. This is not to say that all people with heightened levels of aggression will commit acts of sexual violence. But it is to say that over a sufficiently large number of cases we are confident in asserting that an increase in aggressive behavior directed at women will cause an increase in the level of sexual violence directed at women.
Since the clinical and experimental evidence supports the conclusion that there is a causal relationship between exposure to sexually violent materials and an increase in aggressive behavior directed towards women, and since we believe that an increase in aggressive behavior towards women will in a population increase the incidence of sexual violence in that population, we have reached the conclusion unanimously and confidently, that the available evidence strongly supports the hypothesis that substantial exposure to sexually violent materials as described here bears a causal relationship to antisocial acts of sexual violence and, for some subgroups, possibly to unlawful acts of sexual violence.
Sexual violence is not the only negative effect reported in the research to result from substantial exposure to sexually violent materials. The evidence is also strongly supportive of significant attitudinal changes on the part of those with substantial exposure to violent pornography. These attitudinal changes are numerous. Victims of rape and other forms of sexual violence are likely to be perceived by people so exposed as more responsible for the assault, as having suffered less injury, and as having been less degraded as a result of the experience. Similarly, people with a substantial exposure to violent pornography are likely to see the rapist or other sexual offender as less responsible for the act and as deserving of less stringent punishment.
âŚThe evidence also strongly supports the conclusion that substantial exposure to violent sexually explicit material leads to a greater acceptance of the ârape myth,â in its broader sense - that women enjoy being coerced into sexual activity, that they enjoy being physically hurt in sexual context, and that as a result a man who forces himself on a woman sexually is in fact merely acceding to the ârealâ wishes of the woman, regardless of the extent to which she seems to be resistingâŚ
_________________________
The following excerpt from Diana Russellâs book Against Pornography: The Evidence of Harm (Berkeley, California: Russell Publications, 1994) explores links between the consumption of pornography and violence against women.
THE ROLE OF PORNOGRAPHY IN UNDERMINING SOME MALESâ INTERNAL INHIBITIONS AGAINST ACTING OUT THE DESIRE TO RAPE
(1) Objectifying women. The first way in which pornography undermines some malesâ internal inhibitions against acting out their desires to rape is by objectifying women. Feminists have been emphasizing the role of objectification in the occurrence of rape for years (e.g., Medea and Thompson, 1974; Russell, 1975). Objectification makes it easier to rape them. âIt was difficult for me to admit that I was dealing with a human being when I was talking to a woman,â one rapist reported, âbecause, if you read menâs magazines, you hear about your stereo, your car, your chickâ (Russell, 1975, pp. 249-250). After this rapist had hit his victim several times in her face, she stopped resisting and begged, âAll right, just donât hurt me.â âWhen she said that,â he reported, âall of a sudden it came into my head, âMy God, this is a human being!â I came to my senses and saw that I was hurting this person.â Another rapist said of his victim, âI wanted this beautiful fine thing and I got itâ (Russell, 1975, p. 245).
Dehumanizing oppressed groups or enemy nations in times of war is an important mechanism for facilitating brutal behavior toward members of those groups. ⌠However, the dehumanization of women that occurs in pornography is often not recognized because of its sexual guise and its pervasiveness. It is important to note that the objectification of women is as common in non-violent pornography as it is in violent pornography.
Doug McKenzie-Mohr and Mark Zanna conducted an experiment to test whether certain types of males would be more likely to sexually objectify a woman after viewing 15 minutes of non-violent pornography. They selected 60 male students who they classified into one of two categories: masculine sex-typed or gender schematicâindividuals who âencode all cross-sex interactions in sexual terms and all members of the opposite sex in terms of sexual attractivenessâ (Bem, 1981, p. 361); and androgynous or gender aschematicâmales who do not encode cross-sex interactions and women in these ways (McKenzie-Mohr and Zanna, 1990, p. 297, 299).
McKenzie-Mohr and Zanna found that after exposure to non-violent pornography, the masculine sex-typed males âtreated our female experimenter who was interacting with them in a professional setting, in a manner that was both cognitively and behaviorally sexistâ (1990, p. 305). In comparison with the androgynous males, for example, the masculine sex-typed males positioned themselves closer to the female experimenter and had âgreater recall for information about her physical appearanceâ and less about the survey she was conducting (1990, p. 305). The experimenter also rated these males as more sexually motivated based on her answers to questions such as, âHow much did you feel he was looking at your body?â âHow sexually motivated did you find the subject?â (1990, p. 301).
This experiment confirmed McKenzie-Mohr and Zannaâs hypothesis that exposure to non-violent pornography causes masculine sex-typed males, in contrast to androgynous males, to view and treat a woman as a sex object.
(2) Rape Myths. If males believe that women enjoy rape and find it sexually exciting, this belief is likely to undermine the inhibitions of some of those who would like to rape women. Sociologists Diana Scully and Martha Burt have reported that rapists are particularly apt to believe rape myths (Burt, 1980; Scully, 1985). Scully, for example, found that 65% of the rapists in her study believed that âwomen cause their own rape by the way they act and the clothes they wearâ; and 69% agreed that âmost men accused or rape are really innocent.â However, as Scully points out, it is not possible to know if their beliefs preceded their behavior or constitute an attempt to rationalize it. Hence, findings from the experimental data are more telling for our purposes than these interviews with rapists.
As the myth that women enjoy rape is widely held, the argument that consumers of pornography realize that such portrayals are false, is totally unconvincing (Brownmiller, 1975; Burt, 1980; Russell, 1975). Indeed, several studies have shown that portrayals of women enjoying rape and other kinds of sexual violence can lead to increased acceptance of rape myths in both males and females. In an experiment conducted by Neil Malamuth and James Check, for example, one group of college students saw a pornographic depiction in which a woman was portrayed as sexually aroused by sexual violence, and a second group was exposed to control materials. Subsequently, all subjects were shown a second rape portrayal. The students who had been exposed to the pornographic depiction of rape were significantly more likely than the students in the control group (1) to perceive the second rape victim as suffering less trauma; (2) to believe that she actually enjoyed it; and (3) to believe that women in general enjoy rape and forced sexual acts (Check and Malamuth, 1985, p. 419).
Other examples of the rape myths that male subjects in these studies are more apt to believe after viewing pornography are as follows: âA woman who goes to the home or the apartment of a man on their first date implies that she is willing to have sexâ; âAny healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she really wants toâ; âMany women have an unconscious wish to be raped, and many then unconsciously set up a situation in which they are likely to be attackedâ; âIf a girl engages in necking or petting and she lets things get out of hand, it is her own fault if her partner forces sex on herâ (Briere, Malamuth, and Check, 1985, p. 400).
In Maxwell and Checkâs 1992 study of 247 high school students described above, they found very high rates of what they called ârape supportive beliefsâ, that is, acceptance of rape myths and violence against women. The boys who were the most frequent consumers of pornography and/or who reported learning a lot from it, were more accepting of rape supportive beliefs than their peers who were less frequent consumers and/or who said they had not learned as much from it.
A full 25% of girls and 57% of boys indicated belief that in one or more situations, it was at least âmaybe okayâ for a boy to hold a girl down and force her to have intercourse. Further, only 21% of the boys and 57% of the girls believed that forced intercourse was âdefinitely not okayâ in any of the situations. The situation in which forced intercourse was most accepted, was that in which the girl had sexually excited her date. In this case 43% of the boys and 16% of the girls stated that if was at least âmaybe okayâ for the boy to force intercourse (1992, abstract).
According to Donnerstein, âAfter only 10 minutes of exposure to aggressive pornography, particularly material in which women are shown being aggressed against, you find male subjects are much more willing to accept these particular mythsâ (1983, p. 6). These males are also more inclined to believe that 25% of the women they know would enjoy being raped (1983, p. 6).
(3) Acceptance of interpersonal violence. Malesâ internal inhibitions against acting out their desire to rape can also be undermined if they consider male violence against women to be acceptable behavior. Studies have shown that viewing portrayals of sexual violence as having positive consequences increases male subjectsâ acceptance of violence against women. Examples of some of the attitudes used to measure acceptance of interpersonal violence include âBeing roughed up is sexually stimulating to many womenâ; âSometimes the only way a man can get a cold woman turned on is to use forceâ; âMany times a woman will pretend she doesnât want to have intercourse because she doesnât want to seem loose, but sheâs really hoping the man will force herâ (Briere, Malamuth, and Check, 1985, p. 401).
Malamuth and Check (1981) conducted an experiment of particular interest because the movies shown were part of the regular campus film program. Students were randomly assigned to view either a feature-length film that portrayed violence against women as being justifiable and having positive consequences (âSwept Awayâ, âThe Getawayâ) or a film without sexual violence. The experiment showed that exposure to the sexually violent movies increased the male subjectsâ acceptance of interpersonal violence against women. (This outcome did not occur with the female subjects.) These effects were measured several days after the films had been seen. âŚ
(4) Trivializing rape. According to Donnerstein, in most studies on the effects of pornography, âsubjects have been exposed to only a few minutes of pornographic materialâ (1985, p. 341). In contrast, Zillman and Bryant examined the impact on male subjects of what they refer to as âmassive exposureâ to non-violent pornography (4 hours and 48 minutes per week over a period of six weeks; for further details about the experimental design, see page 27). After three weeks the subjects were told that they were participating in an American Bar Association study that required them to evaluate a trial in which a man was prosecuted for the rape of a female hitchhiker. At the end of this mock trial various measures were taken of the subjectsâ opinions about the trial and about rape in general. For example, they were asked to recommend the prison term they thought most fair.
Zillmann and Bryant found that the male subjects who were exposed to the massive amounts of pornography considered rape a less serious crime than they did before they were exposed to it; they thought that prison sentences for rape should be shorter; and they perceived sexual aggression and abuse as causing less suffering for the victims, even in the case of an adult male having sexual intercourse with a 12-year-old girl (1984, p. 132). They concluded that âheavy exposure to common non-violent pornography trivialized rape as a criminal offenseâ (1984, p. 117).
(5) Callous attitudes toward female sexuality. In the same experiment on massive exposure, Zillmann and Bryant also reported that, âmalesâ sexual callousness toward women was significantly enhancedâ (1984, p. 117). Male subjects, for example, became increasingly accepting of statements such as âA woman doesnât mean ânoâ until she slaps youâ; âA man should find them, fool them, fuck them, and forget themâ; and âIf they are old enough to bleed, they are old enough to butcher.â However, judging by these items, it is difficult to distinguish sexual callousness from a general hostility to women.
(6) Acceptance of male dominance in intimate relationships. A marked increase in malesâ acceptance of male dominance in intimate relationships was yet another result of this massive exposure to pornography (Zillmann and Bryant, 1984, p. 121). The notion that women are, or ought to be, equal in intimate relationships was more likely to be abandoned by these male subjects (1984, p. 122). Finally, their support of the womenâs liberation movement also declined sharply (1984, p. 134).
These findings demonstrate that pornography increases the acceptability of sexism. As Van White points out, âby using pornography, by looking at other human beings as a lower form of life, they [the pornographers] are perpetuating the same kind of hatred that brings racism to societyâ (1984).
The greater trivializing of rape by males, the increase in their callous attitudes toward female sexuality, and their greater acceptance of male domination, are all likely to contribute to undermining some malesâ inhibitions against acting out their desires to rape. âŚ
(7) Desensitizing males to rape. In an experiment specifically designed to study desensitization, Linz, Donnerstein, and Penrod showed ten hours of R-rated or X-rated movies over a period of five days to male subjects (Donnerstein and Linz, 1985, p. 34A). Some students saw X-rated movies depicting sexual assault; others saw X-rated movies depicting only consenting sex; and a third group saw R-rated sexually violent moviesâfor example, âI Spit on Your Grave,â âToolbox Murders,â and âTexas Chainsaw Massacre.â Donnerstein (1983) describes âToolbox Murdersâ as follows: There is an erotic bathtub scene in which a woman massages herself. A beautiful song is played. Then a psychotic killer enters with a nail gun. The music stops. He chases the woman around the room, then shoots her through the stomach with the nail gun. She falls across a chair. The song comes back on as he puts the nail gun to her forehead and blows her brains out. According to Donnerstein, many young males become sexually aroused by this movie (1983, p. 10).
Donnerstein and Linz point out that, âIt has always been suggested by critics of media violence research that only those who are already predisposed toward violence are influenced by exposure to media violenceâ (1985, p. 34F). These experimenters, however, actually preselected their subjects to ensure that they were not psychotic, hostile, or anxious.
Donnerstein and Linz described the impact of the R-rated movies on their subjects as follows:
Initially, after the first day of viewing, the men rated themselves as significantly above the norm for depression, anxiety, and annoyance on a mood adjective checklist. After each subsequent day of viewing, these scores dropped until, on the fourth day of viewing, the malesâ levels of anxiety, depression, and annoyance were indistinguishable from baseline norms (1985, p. 34F).
By the fifth day, the subjects rated the movies as less graphic and less gory and estimated fewer violent or offensive scenes than after the first day of viewing. They also rated the films as significantly less debasing and degrading to women, more humorous, and more enjoyable, and reported a greater willingness to see this type of film again (1985, p. 34F). However, their sexual arousal by this material did not decrease over this five-day period (Donnerstein, 1983, p. 10).
On the last day, the subjects went to a law school where they saw a documentary re-enactment of a real rape trial. A control group of subjects who had never seen the films also participated in this part of the experiment. Subjects who had seen the R-rated movies: (1) rated the victim as significantly more worthless, (2) rated her injury as significantly less severe, and (3) assigned greater blame to her for being raped than did the subjects who had not seen the film. In contrast, these effects were not observed for the X-rated non-violent films. However, the results were much the same for the violent X-rated films, despite the fact that the R-rated material was âmuch more graphically violentâ (Donnerstein, 1985, pp. 12-13).
⌠Several other studies have assessed the correlation between the degree of malesâ exposure to pornography and attitudes supportive of violence against women. Malamuth reports that in three out of four studies, âhigher levels of reported exposure to sexually explicit media correlated with higher levels of attitudes supportive of violence against womenâ (1986, p. 8).
(1) Malamuth and Check (1985) conducted a study in which they found a positive correlation between the amount of sexually explicit magazines a sample of college males read and their beliefs that women enjoy forced sex.
(2) Similarly, Check (1985) found that the more often a diverse sample of Canadian males were exposed to pornography, the higher their acceptance of rape myths, violence against women, and general sexual callousness was.
(3) Briere, Corne, Runtz and Malamuth (1984) found similar correlations in another sample of college males.
In her study of male sexuality, Shere Hite found that 67% of the males who admitted that they had wanted to rape a woman reported reading pornographic magazines, compared to only 19% of those who said that they had never wanted to rape a woman (1981, p. 1123). With regard to the frequency of exposure to pornography, Hite reported that only 11% of the 7,000 males she surveyed said that they had never looked at pornography; 36% said they viewed it regularly, 21% said they did so sometimes, 26% said they did so infrequently, and 6% said that they had looked at it in the past (1981, p. 1123). While correlation does not prove causation, and it therefore cannot be concluded from these studies that it was the consumption of the pornography that was responsible for the malesâ higher acceptance of violence against women, their findings are consistent with a theory that a causal connection exists.
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Adult (>18 years old) exposure to pornographic media is connected with:
Believing a rape victim enjoyed rape
Believing women suffer less from rape
Believing women in general enjoy rape
Believing a rape victim experienced pleasure and âgot what she wantedâ
Believing women make false accusations of rape
Believing rapist deserve less jail time
More acceptance of the rape myth
More acceptance of violence against women
More adversarial sex beliefs
Increasing their estimates of how often people engage in sex with violence
More self-reported likelihood of forcing a women sexually
More self-reported likelihood of rape
Creating more sexually violent fantasies to get aroused
Engaging in more sexual harassment behaviors
More likelihood of forcing a woman sexually
More likelihood of future rape
Using physical coercion to have sex
Using verbal coercion to have sex
Using drugs and alcohol to sexually coerce women
Having engaged in date rape
Having engaged in marital rape
Being an adult sex offender
Engaging in sexual abuse of a battered spouse
More willingness to have sex with 13-14 year olds
More sexual attraction to children
Having sexually abused children
Studies supporting these points
Believing a rape victim enjoyed rape
Check, J. & Malamuth, N. (1985). An empirical assessment of some feminist hypotheses about rape. International Journal of Womenâs Studies, 8, 414-423.
Ohbuchi, K. Ikeda, T. & Takeuchi, G. (1994). Effects of violent pornography upon viewers rape myth beliefs: A study of Japanese males. Psychology, Crime & Law, 1, 71-81.
Believing women suffer less from rape
Check, J. & Malamuth, N. (1985). An empirical assessment of some feminist hypotheses about rape. International Journal of Womenâs Studies, 8, 414-423.
Believing women in general enjoy rape
Check, J. & Malamuth, N. (1985). An empirical assessment of some feminist hypotheses about rape. International Journal of Womenâs Studies, 8, 414-423.
Ohbuchi, K. Ikeda, T. & Takeuchi, G. (1994). Effects of violent pornography upon viewers rape myth beliefs: A study of Japanese males. Psychology, Crime & Law, 1, 71-81.
Believing a rape victim experienced pleasure and âgot what she wantedâ
Millburn, M., Mather, R. & Conrad, S. (2000). The effects of viewing R-rated movie scenes that objectify women on perceptions of date rape. Â Sex Roles, 43, Nov 2000, 645-664.
Believing women make false accusations of rape
Ohbuchi, K. Ikeda, T. & Takeuchi, G. (1994). Effects of violent pornography upon viewers rape myth beliefs: A study of Japanese males. Psychology, Crime & Law, 1, 71-81.
Believing rapist deserve less jail time
Zillmann, D & J. Bryant. (1984). Effects of massive exposure to pornography. In Malamuth, N and Donnerstein, E. (Eds), Pornography and sexual aggression. San Diego, Academic Press.
More acceptance of the rape myth
Check. J. V. P., & Guloien, T. H. (1989). The effects of repeated exposure to sexually violent pornography, nonviolent dehumanizing pornography, and erotica. In D. Zillmann & J. Bryan (Eds.), Pornography: Recent research, interpretations, and policy considerations (pp. 159-184). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Weisz, M.G., & Earls, C. M. (1995). The effects of exposure to filmed sexual violence on attitudes toward rape. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 10, 71-84.
More acceptance of violence against women
Allen, M., Emmers, T. M., Gebhardt, L., & Giery, M. (1995). Pornography and rape myth acceptance. Journal of Communication, 45, 5-26.
Weisz, M.G., & Earls, C. M. (1995). The effects of exposure to filmed sexual violence on attitudes toward rape. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 10, 71-84.
Hald, G., Malamuth, N. & Yuen, C. (2010). Â Pornography and attitudes supporting violence against women: revisiting the relationship in non experimental studies. Aggressive Behavior, 36, 14-20.
More adversarial sex beliefs
Check. J. V. P., & Guloien, T. H. (1989). The effects of repeated exposure to sexually violent pornography, nonviolent dehumanizing pornography, and erotica. In D. Zillmann & J. Bryan (Eds.), Pornography: Recent research, interpretations, and policy considerations (pp. 159-184). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Increasing their estimates of how often people engage in sex with violence
Zillmann, D & J. Bryant. (1984). Effects of massive exposure to pornography. In Malamuth, N and Donnerstein, E. (Eds), Pornography and sexual aggression. San Diego, Academic Press.
More self-reported likelihood of rape
Check. J. V. P., & Guloien, T. H. (1989). The effects of repeated exposure to sexually violent pornography, nonviolent dehumanizing pornography, and erotica. In D. Zillmann & J. Bryan (Eds.), Pornography: Recent research, interpretations, and policy considerations (pp. 159-184). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
More self-reported likelihood of forced sex acts
Check. J. V. P., & Guloien, T. H. (1989). The effects of repeated exposure to sexually violent pornography, nonviolent dehumanizing pornography, and erotica. In D. Zillmann & J. Bryan (Eds.), Pornography: Recent research, interpretations, and policy considerations (pp. 159-184). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Creating more sexually violent fantasies to get aroused
Malamuth, N. (1981). Rape fantasies as a function of exposure to violent sexual stimuli. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 10, 33-47.
Engaging in more sexual harassment behaviors
Barak, A., Fisher, W.A., Belfry, S., & Lashambe, D. R. (1999). Sex, guys, and cyberspace: Effects of internet pornography and individual differences on menâs attitudes toward women. Journal of Psychological and Human Sexuality, 11, 63-92.
Vega, V. & Malamuth, N. (2007). Â Predicting sexual aggression: The role of pornography
in the context of general and specific risk factors. Aggressive Behavior, 33, 104â117.
More likelihood of forcing a woman sexually
Boeringer, S.B. (1994). Pornography and sexual aggression: Associations of violent and nonviolent depictions with rape and rape proclivity. Deviant Behavior, 15, 289-304.
More likelihood of future rape
Check. J. V. P., & Guloien, T. H. (1989). The effects of repeated exposure to sexually violent pornography, nonviolent dehumanizing pornography, and erotica. In D. Zillmann & J. Bryan (Eds.), Pornography: Recent research, interpretations, and policy considerations (pp. 159-184). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Using physical coercion to have sex
Carr, J. & VanDeusen, K. (2004). Risk factors for male sexual aggression on college campuses. Â Journal of Family Violence, 19, 279-289.
Crossman, L. (1995). Date rape and sexual aggression by college males: Incidence and the involvement of impulsivity, anger, hostility, psychopathology, peer influence and pornography use. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering, 55, 4640
Using verbal coercion to have sex
Boeringer, S.B. (1994). Pornography and sexual aggression: Associations of violent and nonviolent depictions with rape and rape proclivity. Deviant Behavior, 15, 289-304.
Using drugs and alcohol to sexually coerce women
Boeringer, S.B. (1994). Pornography and sexual aggression: Associations of violent and nonviolent depictions with rape and rape proclivity. Deviant Behavior, 15, 289-304.
Baron, L. & Straus, M. (1984). Sexual stratification, pornography, and rape in the United States. In N. Malamuth and E. Donnerstein (Eds) Pornography and Sexual Aggression. Â New York: Academic Press.
Boeringer, S.B. (1994). Pornography and sexual aggression: Associations of violent and nonviolent depictions with rape and rape proclivity. Deviant Behavior, 15, 289-304.
Carr, J. & VanDeusen, K. (2004). Risk factors for male sexual aggression on college campuses. Â Journal of Family Violence, 19, 279-289.
Crossman, L. (1995). Date rape and sexual aggression by college males: Incidence and the involvement of impulsivity, anger, hostility, psychopathology, peer influence and pornography use. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering, 55, 4640
Malamuth, N., Addison, T. & Koss, M. (2000). Pornography and sexual aggression: Are there reliable effects and can we understand them? Annual Review of Sex Research, 11, 26-68.
Marshall, W. L. (1988). The use of sexually explicit stimuli by rapists, child molesters and non-offenders. Journal of Sex Research, 25, 2, 267-288.
Vega, V. & Malamuth, N. (2007). Â Predicting sexual aggression: The role of pornography
in the context of general and specific risk factors. Aggressive Behavior, 33, 104â117.
Having engaged in date rape
Warshaw, R. (1988). I never called it rape. New York, Harper and Row.
Having engaged in marital rape
Simmons, C. A, Lehmann, P & Collier-Tenison, S. (2008). Linking male use of the sex industry to controlling behaviors in violent relationships. Violence against Women, 14, Â 406-417.
Being an adult sex offender
Marshall, W. L. (1988). The use of sexually explicit stimuli by rapists, child molesters and non-offenders. Journal of Sex Research, 25, 2, 267-288.
Marshall, W. L. (1988). The use of sexually explicit stimuli by rapists, child molesters and non-offenders. Journal of Sex Research, 25, 2, 267-288.
Marshall, W. L. (1988). The use of sexually explicit stimuli by rapists, child molesters and non-offenders. Journal of Sex Research, 25, 2, 267-288.
Engaging in sexual abuse of a battered spouse
Shope, J. (2004). When words are not enough: The search for the effect of pornography on abused women. Violence Against Women, 10, 1, 56-72.
Simmons, C. A., Lehmann, P. & Collier-Tennison, S. (2008). Linking male use of the sex industry to controlling behaviors in violent relationships: An exploratory analysis. Violence Against Women, 14, 406-417.
More willingness to have sex with 13-14 year olds
Hegna, H., Mossige, S. & Wichstrom, L. (2004). Older adolescentsâ positive attitudes toward younger adolescents as sexual partners. Adolescence, 39, 156, 627-651.
More sexual attraction to children
Briere, J. & Runtz, M. (1989). University males sexual interest in children: Predicting potential indices of âpedophiliaâ in a nonforensic sample. Child Abuse and Neglect, 13, 65-75.
Smiljanich, K. & Briere, J. (1996). Self-reported sexual interest in children: Sex differences and psychosocial correlates in a university sample. Violence and Victims. 11, 1, 39-50.
Having sexually abused children
Bourke, M. & Hernandez, A. Â (2009). The Butner study redux: A report of the incidence of hands-on child victimization by child pornography offenders. Â Journal of Family Violence, 24, 183-191.
Carter, D. L., Prentky. R. A., Knight, R. A. & Vanderveer, P. L. (1987). Use of pornography in the criminal and developmental histories of sex offenders. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2, 2, 196-211.
Kingston, D. A., Fedoroff, P., Firestone, P., Curry, S., Bradford, J. M. (2008) Pornography use and sexual aggression: The impact of frequency and type of pornography use on recidivism among sexual offenders. Aggressive Behavior, 34, 4, 341-351.
Proulx, J., Perreault, C. & Ouimet, M. Â (1999). Pathways in the offending process of extrafamilial sexual child molesters. Â Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 11, 2, 117-129.
Seto, M. & Eke, A. (2005). The criminal histories and later offending of child pornography offenders. Sexual Abuse: Journal of Research and Treatment, 17, 2, 201-210.
Wheeler, D. L. (1997). The relationship between pornography usage and child molesting. Dissertation Abstracts International Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol 57(8-A), pp. 3691.
