I want to wish you all a very merry Mandela effect
Mike Driver
i don't do bad sauce passes
Cosimo Galluzzi

titsay
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"I'm Dorothy Gale from Kansas"
d e v o n
Alisa U Zemlji Chuda
Misplaced Lens Cap
cherry valley forever

Origami Around
DEAR READER
he wasn't even looking at me and he found me

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YOU ARE THE REASON

shark vs the universe

if i look back, i am lost
NASA
Claire Keane
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@thebluntprincess
I want to wish you all a very merry Mandela effect
No one ever tell me anything bad about the person who runs this account.
the person who runs this account, Katie Gouldin, is an evolutionary biologist who has an EXCELLENT podcast called Creature Feature which compares and contrasts the weird behaviors of man and beast! she is super cute and funny too!
oh thank GOD
just want to add i love how much she hates elon
yeah okay ill reblog that
She is also credited by the Audubon society with coining the word âbirbâ
The apartheid is intrinsic in the fact that tel aviv exists at all it wad built on massacres and rapes and burnt out villages of course you cant see it youre in the "cleansed" areas where the undesirable population has already been forcibly removed thats part of the design of apartheid.
"And you, SUH! Are you waiting to receive my LIMP PENIS!?"
Doesnât know whatâs going on but wants to be included
POUND THE FUCKING BODY
⨠Pair of Dykes â¨
Theseus Defeating the Centaur. 1805. Antonio Canova Italian 1757-1822. plaster. http://hadrian6.tumblr.com
While the State exists, there can be no freedom. When there is freedom there will be no State.
Lenin
âThere is a flagrant contradiction in this theory. If their State would be really of the people, why eliminate it? And if the State is needed to emancipate the workers, then the workers are not yet free, so why call it a âPeopleâs Stateâ? By our polemic against them we have brought them to the realization that freedom or anarchism, which means a free organization of the working masses from the bottom up, is the final objective of social development, and that every state, not excepting their Peopleâs State, is a yoke, on the one hand giving rise to despotism and on the other to slavery.â âA Better Theorist
unfortunately, mikhail bettertheoristin totally misapprehended the theory of the state as developed by marx & engels--in ways that are directly addressed by lenin in state and revolution multiple times.
chiefly, neither marx nor engels (nor lenin!) ever put forward the idea of a "people's state"--the Marxist understanding of the state is as a social institution for the suppression of one class for another, and on this ground engels criticized the specific phrase "people's state" among his criticisms of the gotha programme:
As the state is only a transitional institution which is used in the struggle, in the revolution, to hold down one's adversaries by force, it is sheer nonsense to talk of a 'free people's state'; so long as the proletariat still needs the state, it does not need it in the interests of freedom but in order to hold down its adversaries, and as soon as it becomes possible to speak of freedom the state as such ceases to exist.
the proletarian class state does not provide anybody any freedom, and it's never been the claim of marx, engels, or lenin that it does. they are all in agreement with the anarchists that a state is fundamentally a âspecial coercive forceâ (engels again, in anti-duhring).
the point of disagreement is that the anarchist point of view of the state as a static self-referential object, of power as an abstracted force, is lacking in class analysis. the current (bourgeois) state does not exert power for an abstract 'minority', or for 'itself', but on behalf of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. the marxist dictatorship of the proletariat is therefore not (and never claimed to be!) a people's state, but a proletarian state--an institution for the oppression of the bourgeoisie.
any serious marxist therefore agrees that the workers are not in fact 'free' under the proletarian class state, because 'freedom' is found only in the abolition of classes--'freedom' is classless society, which can only be achieved by the suppression and proletarianization of the dominant class! the state is a weapon of class struggle, and as long as that class struggle is ongoing, somebody is going to forge that weapon and bring it to bear.
and sure, you can criticize all of that in theory or in practice. but it is a very silly response to marx and marxism (as bakunin was writing in response to) or to lenin and leninism (as, presumably, you're quoting him in reference to as a response to anon) to point out that the state is not and cannot be 'free' or 'the people's', when that's kinda a basic tenet of revolutionary marxism
As a matter of friendly debate, your analysis isn't quite correct.
1.
Bakunin didn't âmisapprehendâ âMarx & Engelsâ theory of the State, totally or otherwise; I put to question the very assertion that they even had one. See, that's happening here is that you're committing an error that Lenin did: you're treating Marx and Engels as one single theorist, that what is said by one must be held by the other ââone particularly funny example is actually in State and Revolution: ch. 1.4. The âWithering Awayâ of the State and Violent Revolution where, after citing Engels and only Engels for this section, after the first quote dealing with said âwithering awayâ, Lenin follows it up with âAccording to Marxâ to then explain . . . Engelsââ when this is very much not the case and MEGA project has in fact shown how much Engels did not know what Marx was working on, particularly towards the end of the latter's life, and how much editing he'd done to Marx' works which really says more about Engels' misunderstandings than Marx' theory.
2.
Setting that aside for now, it gets even messier when getting back on topic of Bakunin âmisapprehendedâ anything in a way that matters to this conversation: it is true, Bakunin very much did not understand Marx, particularly wrt to the State âbut that wasn't my point here either.
As I've said before, Bakunin is a better critic of Marxists than of Marx proper. Bakunin was, afterall, really only attacking LaSalle's conception of the State as a vehicle to socialism, and attributing LaSalle's programme to LaSalle's greatest influence, Marx, thereby (wrongly) accusing Marx of holding the same view, and, hence, the quote above. LaSalle, you will recognize, as having been criticized by Marx himself prior to the former student's death, particularly in the Gothakritik.
Gothakritik, let us not forget, was first published in 1891, Anti-DĂźrhing in 1878, and Socialism: Utopian and Scientific in 1880, the last two are of which Lenin grabs from most.
âBakunin died in 1876.
It can hardly be said that he, even maliciously, misunderstood âMarx & Engelsâ.
But let's take a closer look at the one Marx actually wrote: Gothakritik.
I've written on the subject of this one extremely short but relevant ouvre, both in annotatiting and in explaining the relevant parts, but here let me explain:
âWe reach a conundrum, if Marx is so deeply opposed to the State, why does he say that it forms a transitional period? Here is where the Marxists get stuck, and because they get stuck they think others can't surpass them. They think their own limitations universal and so we must show them the way through.
First, consider that at no point does Marx actually say that the State is the Dictatorship of the Proletariat! Second, that it makes no sense if he did!
Think, what makes more sense, with everything we have gone over and learned:
That somehow Marx (who, as we've pointed out, considers using the State as ânarrow-mindedâ and Socialism that does as ânot even skin-deepâ) makes an exception for the proletariat (despite just having stated that the answer does not lie in the âthousand-fold combination of the word 'people' with the word 'State'.â)?
Or that Marx considers the State and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat to be two distinct things, of [a] different quality, and by no means synonymous?
VoilĂ !
Thus stated there can be no doubt of which position is correct because only the one is consistent; the latter one!â
Here is, truly, where we butt heads, for you bringing up the quote, âAs the State is only a transitional phase . . .â and the rest of it is only, for me, an imposition, a necessary extrapolation for those that wish to resuscitate the State in an other âultimately counter-revolutionaryâ fashion.
Either you're right, and Engels understood Marx 100% despite MEGA showing how much he didn't and instead published âfinishedâ or âcorrectâ editions of Marx' till then unpublished works; or I'm right, and Marx and Engels are two distinct people, both working towards a better understand of their capitalist situation which Bakunin misunderstood as same and only, from which we can now lock out better and grow as as socialists.
3.
This of course, puts it on me to then try to make sense as to what Marx meant in the Gothakritik.
What about Higher- and Lower- Phase âCommunismâ?
I've answered this before. I'll do so again, âLower-Phaseâ refers to Anarcho-Collectivism; âHigher-Phaseâ to Anarcho-Communism.
This is, in my opinion, truly the rift that started the miscommunication between Bakunin and Marx; it's not a misunderstanding of what the State's role would be (though both did misunderstand it to a degree) but rather what the revolutionary goal would be. You can read in Marx' Conspectus on Statism and Anarchy him doing just that, and even chastising Bakunin for thinking he (Marx) thought the State as any different. Is it any surprise then that Dolgoff says:
Bakunin did not "âdeliberately fabricateâ the accusation that Marx believed in the âPeople's Stateâ. Bakunin criticized Marx for this in 1870 and 1872. He could not be expected to forcee that Marx would condemn the âPeople's Stateâ THREE YEARS LATER in 1875 in his Critique of the Gotha Program. The Critique was published AFTER Bakunin's death about a year later. But this error does not invalidate Bakunin's prophetic indictment of the âWorkers' Stateâ which Marx and Co. DID champion. The assertion that the Marx and Engels â...position is spelled out most extensively in Marx's Civil War in France is in flagrant contradiction to everything Marx and Engels wrote before and after the Paris Commune. To establish this extremely important point, I quoted Franz Mehring, Marx's disciple and authorized biographer in my Bakunin on Anarchy. I strongly suspect that Diemer ignored this quote because it decisively refutes his argument. Here it is: â..The opinions of the Communist Manifesto could not be reconciled with the praise lavished by The Civil War in France for the vigorous fashion in which began to exterminate the parasitic State ...Both Marx and Engels were well aware of the contradiction, and in a preface to a new edition of The Communist Manifesto issued in June 1872 they revised their opinions... after the death of Marx, Engels in fighting the anarchists once again took his stand on the original basis of the Manifesto... if an insurrection was able to abolish the whole oppressive machinery of the State by a few simple decrees, was that not a confirmation of Bakunin's steadfastly maintained standpoint? (Karl Marx, pp. 452-3)...â
ââBakunin vs. Marxâ (1979)
4.
Of course, this has all been a history lesson to teach that Bakunin did, in fact, misunderstand Marx, but, implicitly, that he foresaw something Marx didn't: Marxists.
Afterall, in this context, i can hardly ignore the âje-suis pas un marxistâ tradition.
5.
Please don't hesitate to ask me anything else you can think of asking me, afterall, while you were concerned with delineating an assumed Marx(& Engels) conception, hereby criticized by Bakunin, I was instead dealing with a critique Bakunin could only work against Marxist positions but not Marx himself.
$11.62/hr
if it was a single job and they got the legal 1.5x overtime... $8.97/hr
cyberfrot
Two trucks having wrecks
two trucks having wrecks
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oh my god
kampiotis:Â In the Iliad, Homer describes Poseidon, god of horses, earthquakes, and the sea, driving a chariot drawn by brazen-hoofed horses over the seaâs surface. I now know why.