What makes the therapeutic narrative as a conduit to adulthood most problematic is that it transforms the self into one's greatest obstacle to success, happiness, and well-being. Indeed, the therapeutic narrative leads young people to make themselves the heroes, victims, and villains of their own lives (See also Furedi 2004; Moskowitz 2001). In teaching young people that they alone can manage their emotions and heal their wounded psyches, the therapeutic ethos dovetails with the neoliberal ideology in such a way as to make powerless working-class young adults feel responsible for their own happiness. In a neoliberal world of unpredictable markets, fragile families, hollow institutions, and anemic safety nets, the self--alone and uncertain--is endowed "with the power to make or unmake itself" (Ulluoz 2008: 131). Indeed, the vast majority (n=70) of informants reported that they viewed themselves as their greatest risk. As Kelly, a twenty-eight-year-old line cook, declared, "When I start feeling helpless, I just have to make a conscious decision to not feel that way. It sounds easy and it's really not. There's just no other choice. No one else is going to fix me but me."
Their foundational belief that they are completely and unconditionally responsible for creating a good life leads young people to examine their personal traits and behaviors for signs of weakness that could explain their precarious lives. For many, the fear that they will not take the "right" risk looms as a logical explanation for failure. Candace, the young black women who has overcome a family legacy of drug abuse and poverty, as well as depression, explained, "Um, the biggest risk is putting too much out on the line with my family. Being scared to fail. Being scared, the unknowing, yes. Because their will be certain things I won't do that could make me a stronger person, could make me more success [sic], but I'm just afraid of doing it because it's a chance. It's a risk."
But it is Delores, a thirty-four-year-old white woman, who most powerfully demonstrated the cruelty and injustice of the mood economy. When we first met, she was working the cash register at a bakery outside of Lowell where I often stopped for coffee on my way to an interview. Judging her to be a possible interviewee, I asked if she would like to participate in my study. A few days later, I returned to the bakery during her lunch hour to her about her experiences of growing up.
Delores's father was laid off from a shoe factory when she was young and never found stable employment again. Learning from an early age that work is precarious and the future is unpredictable, she recalled: "The way I grew up, we grew up with nothing and we were never told what to do with it if we ever got it. In a lot of ways, I feel like I'm living the same way my parents are. Just...day by day." Delores explained that she had been struggling with depression since high school. A few years ago, she got pregnant and her boyfriend insisted she have an abortion, which led to a "downward spiral," a tumultuous breakout, and a spending spree that left her tens of thousands of dollars in debt.
"D: I took a nosedive again. I decided I wanted to try medication. I went in and I was diagnosed. I went into a study because I didn't have any money. It was on the radio I think. But it was a study to test the effectiveness of concentrated doses of Saint John's Wort against Prozac. It was a study, so I didn't know what I was on whether it be sugar pills, Saint John's Wort, or Prozac. But after a certain amount of time if it doesn't work they take you out and put you on Wellbutrin, which has been shown to work on a wide variety of people. It wasn't working, so they put me on Wellbutrin, and I was on that for awhile and then they switched me over to Prozac. I guess it's not so bad if I remember to take my pill every day like I'm supposed to. But when I get off kilter I get very stressed and then I'll do impulse buying. Like, oh I don't care, I'll just spend the money. So that kind of screws me. I would like to be good and do what I am supposed to do, but then I get so upset and I don't want to do anything. I just don't want to think about bills, I don't want to pay anything...I just..."
Like many informants, Delores explained her problems in the present through the lens of her mental disorder. At the time of the interview, she told me she was developing new ways of managing her depression with remedies found on the Internet: drinking copious amounts of caffeine, smoking marijuana, and illustrating children's books to relax.
A few months later, when I was back in Massachusetts for interviews, I stopped by the bakery again, but Delores was not there. I asked her co-worker, Lindsay, whom I had gotten to know through my frequent visits, if she was still employed at the bakery. Delores, she informed me, was suffering from another debilitating round of depression: she had frequent migraines, could not get out of bed for weeks, and had eventually been fired for missing too many days of work (which meant she had also lost her health benefits). During her last few weeks of work, she had been caught drinking beer in the back kitchen and was suspected of stealing money from the cash register; there was no chance that she would be hired back. I left the bakery feeling confused and sad, trying to reconcile my memory of the soft-spoken, solemn woman who had kindly donated her time to me with the erratic, irresponsible behavior described by Lindsay. Then, about a year later, after I had moved back to Boston, I ran into Lindsay again. "You'll never guess what happened," she said, tearing up. Delores, she informed me, had died just a few weeks before of cancer. Her intense headaches, extreme fatigue, and behavior and emotional changes were not caused by depression, but by a malignant brain tumor that went undiscovered until after her death. There are treatments for brain cancer, including surgery, radiation therapy, and chemotherapy, and there are also ways to improve one's quality of life. But Delores saw the world through the therapeutic lens, attributing all her suffering to psychic wounds. When she lost her health insurance, she continued to treat herself with home remedies, trying until the end to heal herself. Viewing the world through the lens of the their therapeutic narrative, it never occurred to her to see a medical doctor for her headaches, not that she could have afforded it. Delores's death is a tragedy, one brought about not only by a lack of material resources, but also by a cultural logic that makes self-management the taken-for-granted, and indeed only, solution to pain.”] jennifer m. silva, from coming up short: working-class adulthood in an age of uncertainty, 2013