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Go ahead, I know you want to be a good girl… Now drop to your knees and open your mouth
Harrison Ruffin Tyler, the last living grandson of President John Tyler, born 83 years after his grandfather left the White House in 1845, h
CHARLES CITY, Va. —
Harrison Ruffin Tyler, the last living grandson of U.S. President John Tyler, born 83 years after his grandfather left the White House in 1845, has died. He was 96.
he cause of Tyler's death on Sunday was not immediately released. John Tyler was 63 years old when Harrison Tyler’s father, Lyon Gardiner Tyler Sr., was born. And Harrison Ruffin Tyler was born in 1928 when that father was 75 years old and the presidential grandfather had been dead for more than 60 years.
The grandson was known for preserving his grandfather’s plantation and nearby Civil War fort.
...
Over the course of his life, Tyler preserved Sherwood Forest, his grandfather's plantation that enslaved dozens of people, including 43 people in 1860, just before the Civil War began. [...]
Slave Names In The Americas
Gradually, to show contempt for Slaves, the captors used “Buck” and “Wench” for naming the genders till they became trade terms, like “Filly” and “Shoat.” Contempt for the male was removing his honorific attachment to fatherhood and manhood by being addressed as “Boy.” Once the vigorous years of his prime were passed, he was allowed to assume the title of “Uncle.” Females were called “Gal,” girl, or the name of some animal. Or, the Slaves were given numbers or classical Greek names. This had a profound impact on the Selfhood of each of the enslaved–disrupting ones presumed Mission in life, as indicated by ones name; shattering the sharing of personal and historical experiences, attitudes, and spirits towards life; and putting in disarray the philosophy of life framework and common sense values by which all Africans lived.
Perhaps this caused some Slaves to ask: “Am I my new name or am I still my old name? Is this the work of the evil spirits or from my bad karma?” “Is this my fate!” To worsen matters, a given new European label applied only to one aspect of the nature (whereas his/her original name referred to a total identity) of the enslaved and this was an effective way to try to fragment a victim’s mindset. But the Slaves generally had two names–the one given by the slave owner (e.g. Brutus) and a private name (e.g. Sabe, Anque, Bumbo, Jobah, Quamana, Taynay, and Yearie) used in the Slave quarters. The private name served as a form of Selfhood Armor (“you can’t take all of me, White man!”); gave them a sense of power over their captors; and provided their children with a sense of heritage and pride. The idea was for the children to enter the inhumane system of slavery protected by a sense of Selfhood and history.
Rather than being derived from the supernatural world, European given names were a mere handle or tag. Of the 972 names of male Slaves recorded between 1619 and 1799 the leading ones were Jack, Tom, Harry, Sam, Will, Caesar, Dick, John, Robin, Frank, Charles, Joe and Prince. The most common of 603 names of female Slaves were Bet, Mary, Jane, Hanna, Betty, Sarah, Phillis, Nan, Peg, and Sary. Private names used in the quarters included Abah, Bilah, Comba, Dibb, Juba, Kauchee, Mima, and Sena. In French-speaking Louisiana, Slave names reflected the dominant language and thus were generally different from those in the English colonies. Examples include: Francois, Jean, Pierre, and Leon for men; and Manon, Delphine, Marie Louise, Celeste, and Eugenie for women. Spanish areas had male Slave names as Francisco, Pedro, and Antonio; and for females: Maria, Isabella, and Juana. While enslaved almost all had just one Christian name. But once freed most immediately chose surnames, with or without keeping their accustomed name.
When retained, a given name was generally changed to its full form: Thomas, not Tom; Elizabeth, not Bet. The new surnames, usually not taken from a former slave owner, included: Williams, Jones, Johnson, Smith, Jackson, Thomas, Brown, Walker, Davis, Green, Robinson, Scott, Harris, Turner, and Anderson. Many of these were names of heroes–but not Lincoln. Names of prominent slaveholders–e.g. Pinckney, Randolph, and Rutledge–appear only incidentally among any list of modern Black people’s names. Ref. Bailey, Word Stories Surrounding African American Slavery.
Website: www.jablifeskills.com
Slavery was never abolished. For the past 150 years, slavery has lived in the form of private prisons. DONALD TRUMP refuses to abolish private prisons due to his ties with Geo Group (major private prison owners), who are expanding for immigrant detention with CoreCivic (formerly the Corrections Corporation of America).
Donald Trump is a slave owner. The United States is his plantation.
The action’s impact is limited to contracts with the Bureau of Prisons and U.S. Marshals Service.
CoreCivic, GEO Group stocks rise as Trump revokes Biden orders
compensating British slave owners
United Kingdom finished paying off debts to slave-owning families in 2015
https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/factcheck/2020/06/30/fact-check-u-k-paid-off-debts-slave-owning-families-2015/3283908001/
https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/project/details/
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/aug/27/britain-slave-trade
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/sep/01/cost-compensating-british-slave-owners
https://reparationscomm.org/reparations-news/britains-colonial-shame-slave-owners-given-huge-payouts-after-abolition/
Federal Agency Rejects Developer’s Report That Massive Grain Elevator Won’t Harm Black Heritage Sites
For the second time, the Army Corps of Engineers has reprimanded a Louisiana developer for its failure to offer an adequate assessment of th
For the second time in six months, a federal agency reprimanded a Louisiana developer for failing to adequately assess the harm that its proposed $400 million agricultural development would cause to neighboring Black communities and historic sites.
In a forceful letter dated Dec. 23, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers rejected claims by the developer, Greenfield LLC, that its massive grain transfer facility in St. John the Baptist Parish upriver from New Orleans will have “no adverse effects.” The Corps is considering a permit application by Greenfield to build on federally protected waters and has the power to halt the project.
That new report, which the Corps received in November, did not address the agency’s demand that the developer conducts a more complete assessment of how the project could damage historic sites and harm residents of nearby towns, according to the Corps’ December letter.
“The report,” the letter reads, “just doesn’t demonstrate adequate engagement, and that must be rectified.”
A Greenfield spokesperson said our team of respected expert consultants and have done thorough evaluations to consider any and all potential impacts. The statement said Greenfield takes seriously its responsibility to provide regulatory agencies with accurate and complete information consistent with the regulatory requirements.
The Corps’ letter criticizes Greenfield and its contractors for failing to meaningfully consult with people whose lives would be impacted by the dozens of looming grain silos, new rail, truck, and shipping traffic, and pollutants from the facility. It says Greenfield and its consultants have not done enough to account for how the development project might harm communities of color, a requirement under federal environmental justice standards.
“It’s very disappointing that they would continue to double down on the report, that they are still saying there will not be any detrimental effects,” Erin Edwards, who blew the whistle on the earlier report, told ProPublica in a recent interview.
“It’s very disappointing that they would continue to double down on the report, that they are still saying there will not be any detrimental effects,” Erin Edwards, who blew the whistle on the earlier report, told ProPublica in a recent interview. Edwards co-authored the first version of the information when she worked as an architectural historian for Gulf South Research Corporation, the for-profit cultural resources, and archaeological consulting firm hired by another of Greenfield’s consultants to conduct a federally required assessment of historical sites.
Edwards resigned in late 2021 after her report was stripped of every mention of possible harm to communities or cultural properties, including her conclusion that the area surrounding the development should be listed as a historic district because of its connection to histories of slavery. In internal Gulf South emails obtained by ProPublica, a company manager wrote that it would lose its contract for the report — and could lose future work — if it didn't change the findings.
“Gulf South knew all along that the project would harm the historic plantations there, and they knew that it would hurt the area as a whole,” Edwards said. “There’s no way to look at the evidence and not see that it’s going to be detrimental.”
The Greenfield grain facility has been the target of sustained pushback from nearby communities, civil and human rights groups, and historic preservation organizations, as well as from other federal agencies, including the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation, which oversees national preservation policy. The land where the development is planned sits beside the Whitney Plantation Museum, which serves as a memorial to enslaved people in Louisiana. One plot of land down the river is another unusually well preserved plantation designated as a National Historic Landmark.
To read the ProPublica Report, you can find the complete publication by clicking here and going directly to the information by visiting their site.