Zinn being absolutely normal in Monstress, by Marjorie Liu and Sana Takeda.
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Zinn being absolutely normal in Monstress, by Marjorie Liu and Sana Takeda.
👉 Überraschungs‑Tipp
Zinn Manafeld - GS OC
Gwain College Student, bored Student Council Member, Love Element holder.
He's not really special in any way, just a normal Teoran living his daily life. He likes hanging out with people he knows, he gets embarrassed when people compliment his element, or really just him in general. He likes to draw, and doesn't really know how to use his element despite being taught by Teachers and whatnot. Doesn't go out to events unless forced to.
He hangs out with the wrong crowd, that being a group of bullies within the College. He doesn't bully anybody himself, but Marlow sometimes hassles him about telling his group to stop or they'll face consequences. But he's not the leader, so he just goes like; "Fuck you want me to do?". He wants to fit in with them, but is generally kind to others unlike his friends, and follows "Treat others as you would want them to treat you" or something... Which is why he's probably more favored than other Council Members.
He hates showing people his art, and actively despises any compliments, insults, or even just advice for his drawings. He usually draws when he's bored, e.x. Meetings, Class, etc. He's actually quite sociable once he gets used to the people he talks to... Which is why he's in a group of assholes.
Because he talked to them a lot.
He was born into a royal family, and they lived in a city close to Den City. Biorna, was the city's name. His life wasn't exactly the most eventful, with him going through private school, making friends, leaving friends, etc. He eventually landed in Den City, and is now attending Gwain College to hone his artistic skills.
Fun Fact: When agitated, or flustered, his hair and eyes will glow along with his face. Great stuff.
He has a crush on Deva.
On top of the serious failures to unite blacks and whites, city workers and country farmers, there was the lure of electoral politics—all of that combining to destroy the populist movement. Once allied with the democratic party in supporting William Jennings Bryan for president in 1896, populism would drown in a sea of democratic politics. The pressure for electoral victory lead populism to make deals with the major parties in city after city. If the Democrats won it would be absorbed; if the Democrats lost it would disintegrate. Electoral politics brought into the top leadership the political brokers instead of the agrarian radicals.
[. . .]
In the election of 1896, with the populist movement enticed into the democratic party, Bryan, the democratic candidate, was defeated by William McKinly, for whom the corporations and the press mobilized in the first massive use of money in an election campaign. Even the hint of populism in the democratic party, it seemed, could not be tolerated, and the big guns of the establishment pulled out all their ammunition to make sure.
Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States
The [farmers’] alliances went to work. In 1890, 38 alliance people were elected to Congress. In the south, the alliance elected governors in Georgia and Texas. It took over the democratic party in Georgia, and won 3/4 of the seats in the Georgia legislature, six of Georgia’s ten congressmen. This was, however, Goodwin says, an illusive revolution, because the party machinery remained in the hands of the old crowd, and the crucial chairmanships of important committees in Congress, in the state legislatures, remained in the hands of the conservatives, and corporate power in the states, in the nation, could use its money to still get what it wanted.
Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States
Meanwhile, the government of the United States was behaving almost exactly as Karl Marx described a capitalist state: pretending neutrality to maintain order, but serving the interests of the rich. Not that the rich agreed among themselves—they had disputes over policies—but the purpose of the state was to settle upper-class disputes peacefully, control lower class rebellion, and adopt policies that would further the long-range stability of the system. The arrangement between Democrats and Republicans to elect Rutherford Hayes in 1877 set the tone: whether Democrats or Republicans won, national policy would not change in any important way. When Grover Cleveland, a Democrat, ran for president in 1884, the general impression in the country was that he opposed the power of monopolies and corporations, and that the Republican party, whose candidate was James Blaine, stood for the wealthy. But when Cleveland defeated Blaine, J. Gould wired him: “I feel that the vast business interests of the country will be entirely safe in your hands.” And he was right.
Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States
To give people a choice between two different parties and allow them, in a period of rebellion, to choose the slightly more democratic one was an ingenious mode of control.
Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States