Defeating the Islamic State: The 9 Step Program
The world is on fire right now. Russia is, for the first time since the end of the Cold War, seeking to dramatically redraw the map of Europe. Israel and the Palestinians' latest tit-for-tat escalation threatens to engulf their neighbors and the fragile relative peace in Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt. Iran continues to slowly, but steadily, develop nuclear weapons, or at the very least, gain the know-how to rapidly "break out" and become a nuclear-armed state. Bashar Assad continues his brutal assault on his own people, at last count contributing to the death of roughly 200,000 and the displacement of a quarter of the Syrian population. Ebola represents, in the words of the United Nations, a "catastrophe" and an "apocalypse", the global response to which seems to be wholly insufficient. And North Korea once again makes deciphering its next moves by the international community nearly impossible. All of these flare-ups represent a threat to the United States, either directly or indirectly, and greatly complicate both our foreign policy and our ability to influence events around the world. However, none of these rise to the level of absolute calamity. That, I'm afraid, is reserved for the Islamic State (or, depending on who you ask, ISIS or ISIL).
For those who have been living under a rock for the past several weeks, or who have, in the interest of preserving their sanity, tuned out from CNN and other news sites, the Islamic State is a terrorist group that now controls more territory, has more money, and possesses greater weapons of war than any terrorist organization in modern times. They are brutal, efficient, battle-tested, and, worst of all, winning. Confronting, containing, and defeating the Islamic State must be the immediate number one priority of US foreign policy. Here are the nine steps the Obama administration needs to take to help ensure that the fight against the Islamic State doesn't take place on the streets of an American city in the near future.
1. Public relations. The American people are, rightfully, war-weary. The US has spent the last 13 years fighting overseas, at great cost in terms of both blood and treasure, with seemingly very little to show for this sacrifice. Therefore, it is essential that President Obama take some time out of his golf game and fundraising blitz to completely and accurately explain the threat posed by the Islamic State, laying out the case for intervention. The Islamic State is the most barbaric terrorist group we have seen in recent memory. Their brutality is so egregious that Al-Qaeda refuses to partner with them. In recent weeks, the Islamic State has captured and enslaved hundreds of women, murdered en masse thousands of men of fighting age, and forcibly converted Christians to Islam. They have beheaded children and put their heads on stakes. And they have surrounded minority groups, such as the Yazidis, cutting off food and water to them. The Islamic State is, by many accounts, preparing an assault on the Mosul Dam, which, if destroyed, could threaten the livelihood and lives of hundreds of thousands of people. Add to this the fact that the Islamic State has captured large swathes of territory in Syria and Iraq, commandeered technologically-advanced weaponry supplied by the United States to the Iraqi military, and has stated, emphatically, that they plan on establishing a caliphate throughout the Middle East and attacking Western interests in Europe and America. Judging by their successes in recent weeks and months, this is not an idle threat. It is up to President Obama to explain this to the American people and make it clear that defeating the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria will prevent future bloodshed and terror closer to home.
2. Arm the Kurds. The Peshmerga, though not perfect, have shown a proficiency in fighting the Islamic State that is sorely missing from the US-trained Iraqi military. The Kurds are fierce, loyal, and sitting on some of the most strategically important oil fields, that, if fell into the hands of the Islamic State, could cause a shock to the already unstable global economy. They are defending the Yazidis as best they can, but they are running low on weapons and ammunition. The US Congress should immediately vote to resupply the Kurds not only with small arms ammunition, but with heavy weaponry - anti-tank missiles to combat the Islamic State's captured APCs and Humvees, and armored vehicles so that they can more easily cover a wider area.
3. A more active Congress. The legislative branch of government has been absent for several years, incapable of accomplishing much of anything in the highly politicized and politically-divided environment that is US politics today. However, it is time to relearn the mantra that politics end at the water's edge. Congress, both democrats and republicans, need to support President Obama's efforts to destroy the Islamic State or provide coherent, non-politically-motivated rationales for their opposition. This is not a zero-sum game where giving the President any support undermines one's own political standing. This is about war, terrorism, and quite simply, genocide on a scale not seen since the Holocaust. It is time to unite as a country and defeat this enemy, putting politics aside.
4. Engage with Iran. A common Middle East saying is that the enemy of my enemy is my friend. It is true that Iran is not an ally of the United States. It is also true that Iran complicates American interests at nearly every turn. And it is true that Iran is pursuing the capability to possess the world's most dangerous weapons. However, Iran is vehemently opposed to the Islamic State, in part because it represents a threat to Shiite interests regionally, and, longer-term, to the Iranian regime. Much like the US and the USSR working together on issues of shared importance during the Cold War, the United States needs to work with Iran to combat the Islamic State. They are physically closer to the scene, and have an even greater interest in Iraq's Shiite population. And their special forces are already on the ground in Baghdad. Working with them will not be easy, nor can we completely trust them. But this much is true - Both Iran and the United States benefit from a destroyed, or at the very least, greatly reduced Islamic State. And working together on this common interest, may result in further cooperation on issues such as Iran's nuclear program and state sponsorship of terrorism through its proxies, Hezbollah and Hamas.
5. Stop stove-piping interconnected conflicts. The conflict taking place in Syria and in Iraq are nearly one and the same. President Obama made the strategic mistake of not involving the United States in the Syrian conflict sooner, and in not following through on his threatened "red line" with regards to the Assad regime's use of chemical weapons. However, that is the past, and we cannot go back to do things differently. We must face the reality of the situation today, not as it was or as we wish it would be. And the reality of the situation today is that the Islamic State has virtually erased hundreds of miles of borders between Iraq and Syria. These conflicts are, today, singular. The Islamic State is physically defeating the moderate rebels on the ground in Syria. And those rebels that remain are suffering from a significant reduction in morale. In places like Aleppo, long a moderate rebel stronghold, the Islamic State is creating a siege from one side, while the Assad regime's forces are attacking from the other. Most observers state that if Aleppo falls to the Islamic State, the Syrian revolution as we know it is over. Once the moderate rebels are defeated, the Islamic State will continue its march toward Damascus and begin significant clashes with the regime. President Obama's long-held worst-case scenario fear that replacing the Assad regime could bring an even worse regime to power would, in such an eventuality, be staggeringly prophetic. If the Islamic State takes Aleppo and begins to pose a serious threat to Assad, then we can basically say goodbye to the Middle East. Shortly after this occurs, Lebanon and Jordan will become dangerously unstable and those regimes could potentially fall to the Islamic State. From there, significant threats could be made not just against Israel, but against Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, and others. Soon, Yemen and North Africa would fall to the Islamic State, and Libya, already fast becoming a terrorist state, would see its rebel groups merge with the Islamic State, and bring with it a new level of barbarism throughout Africa.
6. Airstrikes. For the past week, for the first time in three years, the United States has been striking selective targets in Northwestern Iraq. These airstrikes, though necessary, are ineffective unless they are significantly stepped up. All Islamic State positions in Iraq and Syria need to be hit. This includes the Islamic State's positions on the outskirts of Aleppo, the border crossings controlled by the Islamic State between Iraq and Syria, and all Islamic State positions in and around Mt. Sinjar near Mosul.
7. Use of special forces. Carrying out successful airstrikes will require deploying special forces, not just as advisers behind-the-scenes, but as imbedded personnel on the front lines. It is true that this carries significant risks, will likely result in the deaths of American soldiers, and negates the President's promise of no boots on the ground. However, it is necessary, and boots are already on the ground (about 1,000 advisers, if not more, are in Iraq or en route). American soldiers can, and should do more than train their counterparts in the Iraqi military and amongst the Peshmerga. By embedding these elite units within the Kurdish forces, they can offer superior tactical guidance and call in airstrikes on the Islamic State positions that may not be easily observed from the air. Additionally, the presence of these soldiers on the ground offers President Obama the ability to more rapidly deploy force, if necessary, to protect minority groups from impending genocide. President Obama has laid out an approach to using force that essentially encompasses three scenarios: (1) to combat terrorism; (2) to protect American personnel; and (3) to prevent genocide. All three are present in Iraq, and having agile forces on the ground, engaging with the enemy and assisting our allies, provides greater flexibility to President Obama in carrying out American foreign policy and protecting American interests in the region.
8. Implore the participation of the British and the French. America cannot solve all of the world's problems, nor can it solve this problem, alone. It is important for the US to have the willingness to deploy force, but we should not have to shoulder that burden alone. The Islamic State threatens not just the United States and its interests in the Middle East, but all of Western Europe. As such, Britain should deploy special forces that can coordinate with their American counterparts, and assist in air strikes or resupplies, as necessary. They should play an active role in the humanitarian mission of airdropping food, water, and medicine, not just to the Yazidis, but to any minority groups that are under the Islamic State's guns. France, coming off its successes defeating an insurgency in Mali, should also deploy special forces. Their forces were proficient and professional in Mali, and, in a matter of weeks, drove away the rebels without suffering a single fatality. These forces could be used to fortify Mosul or to protect the Mosul dam from destruction.
9. Continue to support Iraq politically. The US significantly lost influence over the Al-Maliki regime from the moment it withdrew all of its forces from Iraq years ago, and ceded such influence to Iran. The sectarian divide in Iraq deepened during that period, and created a polarized and impotent political system that makes the one currently gripping the United States look utterly successful. Now that Maliki has stepped down and Prime Minister Abadi (whom both the United States and Iran support) is taking over, Iraq has the opportunity to overcome its sectarian divide, create a capable political system, and unite (as best as may be possible in a country like Iraq) diverse groups of people. The US should continue to support this new government in Iraq, and, as it takes a more active role in combating the Islamic State within its borders, use and exert its increased influence to pressure the government to continue reforms.
Taking the above nine steps will not be easy, nor will they be quick. American lives will be lost, instability will continue to rage, and the slaughter of civilians will not immediately cease. Some days, the situation will appear hopeless, and, temporarily, the Islamic State may look to have the upper hand. But we cannot give up. The risk of inaction is too great. The threat posed by the Islamic State should worry every American, every European, and, frankly, every citizen of the Middle East. If the Islamic State is permitted to continue its brutality unimpeded, soon it will not just be the Yazidis or the Iraqi Christians who face imminent peril; it will be us all.













