Thrice Exiled: the Inability of Queerness in Northeastern Bharat
When the British finally began penetrating the mysterious, jungle-covered mountains bordering Myanmar they noted that the tribes already criminalized gender non-conforming behavior-sometimes with death, and little has changed in two hundred years. So entrenched in the cultural subconscious are the rigid gender roles that even after successful conversions to Christianity, Islam, Sanaatana and Buddha Dharmas, the natives quickly re-interpreted the new doctrines to uphold ancient bigotries.
Though the tribes just as eagerly embraced urbanization and higher education like the rest of South Asia, it led to a parallel rise in xenophobia and a fear of cultural contamination, with the resultant creation of cultural preservation societies that police the gendered behaviors of their communities to such an extreme that if a boy were to spontaneously start dancing to music on the radio ta would be instantly reviled as an aberration, and told point blank, "you're a girl now."
Due to this borderline harassment gender policing, when a child realizes ta is attracted to someone of the same sex, this causes severe gender confusion and high rates of mental illness-and mental health is equally stigmatized in these tribes.
Rejected by their villages (the first exile), they move to big cities and out-of-state colleges to begin new lives, only to find out the Indo-Aryan-speaking areas believe Northeasterners to be savage primitives, and are subjected to dehumanizing racism, finding no friends (the second exile). Eventually, though, they find the LGBT community, perhaps containing a pocket of their tribal members, only to find that long ago they adopted either English, Hindi, or Hinglish to describe their deepest feelings, their language having no place for queerness (the third, and final, exile).
So, to summarize, the realization of same-gender attraction or gender incongruence often results in the total loss of ethnic identity, with high rates of suicide.
Now, most states have government-funded LGBT aid programs, and many of these outer state agencies have tried to set up offices in the northeast, but the all-powerful cultural preservation societies have declared LGBT people "non-locals," foreign invaders, basically, and they're not allowed to immigrate. So, little progress has been made.
A compounding factor in this lack of progress is the language barrier: when a LGBT support group finally makes ingress to a grass hut village, the lessons about queer identities are given either in English or Hindi, whereas most Northeastern tribes speak Tibeto-Burman languages (which are mind-boggling complex compared to Indo-European languages), reinforcing the alienness of queerness and the belief that native languages CAN'T have words for gender incongruence and same-gender attraction.
I've spent the week studying Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic languages, and I can understand the problem (some of the verb conjugations are too bizarre for words), but, on the other hand, the problem is a very simple one: there's nothing inherent to the nature of Tibeto-Burman or Austroasiatic that prevents queer terminology from being formed, and I think it's mostly a lack of imagination and being too literal minded-and what I mean by that, is I get the sense from these tribal members that in order for Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic to have concepts for queerness, they must be identical to the English/Hindi concepts of queerness, which simply is not possible with these monosyllabic languages and how they conceptualize reality.
So, for the remainder of this article, I will jot down notes I've found on the subject of LGBT history among these obscure peoples.
KHASI-SPEAKING TRIBES OF THE KHASI AND JAINTIA HILLS
In Khasi society, social status is a life and death matter, and if one clan member does something indecent, this can lead to the rest of the clan losing status and being discriminated against, so honor killings are still a problem. They are also matrilineal societies: though effeminate men who love men may achieve some degree of toleration, men who want to live as women have no place and bring shame to the clan matriarchs.
An Austroasiatic language, I found Khasi to be almost like binary code in its monosyllableness, and from the few words translated into English from a Khasi text describing the experiences of a gender incongruent woman, I sort of deciphered the whole language in an hour.
The woman referred to tadaself as "jinglong (doh) shynrang," literally, "nature (flesh) man," and described a gender incongruent man as "jinglong (doh) kynthei," "nature (flesh) woman." In English this would be translated as "male-bodied/bodily male" and "female-bodied/bodily female" respectively. For the full phrase this would be: shynrang jong jinglong (doh) kynthei (man possessive-particle nature [flesh] woman: man who has female body) and kynthei jong jinglong (doh) shynrang (woman possessive-particle nature [flesh] man: woman who has a male body). When ta referred to "trans people" this came out "jinglong doh shynrang ne kynthei" (nature flesh man or woman).
When still living as a man, ta described tadaself as "uba ieit shynrang" (masculine-one-who love man), "same-gender-loving man" in English, which would make the feminine counterpart "kaba ieit kynthei" (feminine-one-who love woman). The only gender-neutral pronoun is the plural ki(ba).
Though rather wordy compared to English, this shows that the Khasi are just as capable of creating new concepts when the need arises, with the phrase "jinglong doh" being the equivalent of "trans" in English.
MIZO-SPEAKING TRIBES OF THE LUSHAI HILLS
The Mizo peoples had strictly hierarchical social structures with male chiefs on top and women and slaves on the bottom. The wealth imbalances resulted in the chiefs collecting harems of women, and like the Ottoman sultans, needing someone to guard all their wives: the Tuai.
"Tuai" has the sense of "half man," and with their feminine counterpart, the Patil (having the sense of "half woman"), they are described by the Mizo as their third gender. Because the Patil adhered to the chivalrous code of manhood, they had more tolerance and freedom in society than most women, but the Tuai were narrowly confined to being the servants/slaves of the chiefs, required to wear women's skirts, but barred from having sex with men under pain of death.
When the British invaded, they converted everyone to Christianity, which led to the abolishment of slavery, but also to the collapse of the system of chieftainships and with it the social function of the Tuai, who were then outlawed along with the Patil as "sexual deviancy."
Nowadays, though women who love women (which is gender non-conforming behavior) are harassed constantly by the cultural preservation societies, they are not subject to violence, per se, and claim that they can gain a single toe of tolerance in their villages (but I have a nagging feeling this involves celibacy).
Boys, on the other hand, who display any degree of queerness (even so much as touching a woman's skirt that has fallen off a clothesline) are fetishized from a young age as "fresh meat," and can be sexually exploited by large swathes of the community the minute they hit puberty, often ending up as sex workers in young adulthood, forced out into the cities.
The Meitei are children of a once grand empire that rivaled the Far East in civilization, and once had a third gender called Pheidaa, described as "nupaa nupi marak" (man woman between), but what that meant no one knows anymore, the existence of the Pheidaa died with the collapse of much of Meitei society during the Chahi Taret Khuntaakpa, a campaign of genocide led by the Kingdom of Myanmar. What is known is that they were the bodyguards of the royal family.
From the ashes arose traveling theater troupes, divided between all-male and all-female groups, who were mostly same-gender-loving people. Among these were the Nupaa/i Saaba/i (man or woman imitator), individuals who took on the role of the opposite gender in their plays. Though revered as culture bearers, the ones that wished to live permanently as the opposite gender, the Nupaa/i Maanba/i (man or woman similar-to), were outcast in society as violators of the code of manliness that governed all things.
Rejected by their troupes and families at a young age, they settled in the old royal capital of Imphal and became sex workers for a time before taking control of the beauty salon and film production industries, becoming outspoken advocates for "queer-trans" (as they often call it) rights, and many LGBT aid groups in the northeast are run by them.
Though the terms Nupaa/i Maanba/i are most often used to refer to gender incongruent people, they are actually umbrella terms, Nupaa Maanba applying to women who love women or multiple genders and men assigned female at birth, with Nupi Maanbi meaning men who love men or multiple genders and women assigned male at birth.
Same-gender-loving people who are gender congruent, after the Pride Parade is over, go back to their inconspicuous lives in order not to bring shame to their families, but the incongruent stick out like a sore thumb in the cities, unable to marry because no man would dare think to have a woman who can't bear children, and are only tolerated so long as they are successful business owners or otherwise wealthy and can continue supplying their aging parents with money.
Meitei words used in their original script:
NYISHI OF THE KURUNG AND KUMEY RIVERS
Under the simple farm life of the rolling mountains lies a strictly stratified society of upper and lower classes. Desperate to gain economic prosperity, lower class Nyishis often convert to Christianity, but regardless of faith, polygyny is widely practiced, putting great pressure on young folk to get in heterosexual marriages.
Along with this comes rigid gender roles that cannot forgive deviance: if you play sports, you are male; if you dance, you are female. Only by escaping the river valleys and getting a good college education in the cities, finding the LGBT community, can they begin to understand what their gender is, and how it differs from sexuality and gender expression, only to learn from their families that they will no longer have a home to return to.
Nyishi is a very obscure language-it doesn't even appear to have a standard writing system yet. I was unable to make a complete translation of the phrases: it was only through studying a much better attested, related language, Apatani, that I was able to get of sense of what the phrases mean.
In most cases, Nyishi either use the Hindi or English word for something, but there are always moments where indigenous insight breaks through-again these are only the rough sense of words:
"Nyiga mepe kopiyo" refers to love of men. "Nyime mepe kopiyo" refers to love of women. "Nyiga tallo pe nyime sangbo" has the sense of "man who moved over there to woman," referring to transwomen. "Nyime talo pe nyiga sangbo" has the sense of "woman who moved over there to man," referring to transmen.
BOD PA OF THE TIBETAN PLATEAU
Among the peaks of the oxygen-deprived sacred Himaalaya an ancient civilization has thrived for thousands of years, with a wealth of philosophical literature just as old. Polyandry was the norm, and who would mind lawfully-wedded husbands showing affection? So there were never any prohibitions against same-gender love, and whole books have been written on the subject of LGBT equality by native thinkers...and yet, if you were to ask a Bod Pa about such things, you would be told firmly, "that never happens here," and get a door slammed in your face.
Such is the paradox of this Buddhist land: despite few laws regulating sexual activity the general population, long ago, decided that to ensure a good afterlife, one must emulate the celibate clergy: the Bod Pa believe sex should only be for procreation, never love or fun.
Compounding this factor was the conquest by Zho1nghua2 Re2nmi2n Go4nghe2guo2 in the 1950's and its oppressive communist, and heterosexist, propaganda, which has even seeped its way into the refugee population.
Due to the abject silence on sexuality, each individual queer Bod Pa believes they're the only one on Earth, and have high rates of depression and suicide as a result. This has also led to gender incongruent Bod Pa being the only visible representatives of the LGBT community on the plateau and broader diaspora: shirking gender norms and reproductive mandates, they cannot hide in monasteries or joyless marriages.
As such, I couldn't find words for sexuality and gender, only gender-neutral terminology that is beyond the scope of this article.
The elders sneer at the woke gay agenda infiltrating their homeland, touting honor killings on the conservative side, with conversion therapy considered liberally progressive on the other. What stands between is the silence the LGBT community must endure-a silence on two fronts: tribal communities who refuse to acknowledge the existence of queer people, and state governments who point to the annual pride parade in the capitol as proof that all's well with the world, and refuse to fund studies into the lived experiences of this marginalized people.
So, I thought, I would break some of this silence. I'm most familiar with the Ao language-meaning, after a twelve-hour crash course I could put exactly two syllables together before having a mental breakdown.
Tibeto-Burman and Indo-European languages are exact opposites: one must reconceptualize reality. Based on the limited queer studies done in the Northeast, historical manifestations of gender variance and how modern forms are conceptualized in broader Asian cultures, I think I've constructed some working phrases:
What is the perfective anterior, you ask?...that...is a good question. It is the concept of a completed act performed in the past that still carries current relevance. Ao requires extreme specificity in all things.
Due to the rigid gender roles in northeastern cultures, loving women is considered boyish behavior, while loving men is considered girlish, so why not embrace this gender queerness? Women who love women are manlike, while men who love men are womanlike.
Again, because of the rigidity of society, changing gender is very stark, and extremely heterosexual-gay trans isn't really a thing. So, a literal description of the transition.
Using Hindi or English words only reinforces the silence in the hills and prevents social progress. To be heard is to be seen; the people of the hill country must reclaim their language, carve a place out in it for themselves, and go from there. Then the soul-crushing silence will end.
WORKS USED IN WRITING THIS ARTICLE
"Third Gender in Mizo Society: An unflinching look at past and present," Ruata Lungchuang, East Mojo, 4/8/23
"The Rise of Rainbow Dharma: Buddhism on sexual diversity and same-sex marriage," Tibetan Buddhist Encyclopedia, 2020
Mental Health Journey: Untold Stories of People from the Northeast of India, ed. Kumam Davidson Singh, Chinky Homo Project
"Tibetan Perceptions of LGBTQ," Lauren Champagne, Independent Studies Collection, Spring 2018
"The Emergence of Transgender Community in Manipur: The Case of the Nupi Maanbis," Rubani Yumkhaibam, Indian Journal of Gender Studies, 27(2), pp. 205-25, 2020
"Where are the tlawmngai Zo/Mizo Men?: Gendered living spaces and Masculinity codes," Anup Shekhar Chakraborty, Journal of Women's Studies, vol. X, 2021
"There is No Home, Pig: Examining the Dilemma of Northeast Queer in Time of Covid-19," Lede E. Miki Pohshna, Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities, v. 12, n.5, 2020
Understanding Tribal Religion, ed. Tamo Mibang and Sarit K. Chaudhuri, 2004,