Does anyone else remember Brett Kavanaugh throwing one childish mantrum⢠after another during his confirmation hearings? But yeah, sure, please keep telling me how AOC is the āemotionalā one.
Republicans: Crying for others who are suffering is a sign of weakness and instability, but crying for yourself? That shows real character.
Itās not new information, though. Itās misinformation.
First, itās not that new.
Did you know that there was a time in U.S. historyāwhich is by definition recent historyāwhen a corporation was generally intended to have some sort ofĀ public interestĀ that they served? I mean, thatās the whole point of allowing corporations to form. Corporations are recognized by the commonwealth or state, and this recognition is not a right but a privilege, in exchange for which the state (representing the people) is allowed to ask, āSo what does this do for everyone else?ā
The way the economy is now is a direct result of a shift away from this thinking and to one where a corporation is an entity unto itself whose first, last, and only concern is an ever-increasing stream of profits. What youāre calling ābenevolent capitalismā isnāt benevolent at all. Itās a pure profit/loss calculation designed to distract fromānot even paper over or stick a band-aid onāthe problems capitalism creates. And the fact that youāre here championing it as ābenevolent capitalismā is a sign of how ell itās working.
Letās take Toms, as one example. The shoe thatās a cause. Buy a pair of trendy shoes, and a pair of trendy shoes will be given away to someone somewhere in the world who canāt afford them.
Thatās not genuine benevolence. Thatās sellingĀ you, the consumer, on the idea thatĀ youĀ can be benevolent by buying shoes, that the act of purchasing these shoes is an act of charity. The reality is that their model is an inefficient means of addressing the problems on the ground that shoelessness represents, and severely disrupts the local economies of the locations selected for benevolence.
(Imagine what it does to the local shoemakers, for instance.)
The supposed act of charity is just a value add to convince you to spend your money on these shoes instead of some other shoes. Itās no different than putting a prize in a box of cereal.
Heck, you want to see how malevolent this is?
Go ask a multinational corporation that makes shoes or other garments to double the wages of their workers. Theyāll tell you they canāt afford it, that itās not possible, that consumers wonāt stand for it, that youāll drive them out of business and then no one will have wages.
But the fact that a company can give away one item for every item sold shows you what a lie this is. A one-for-one giving model represents double the cost of labor andĀ materials for each unit that is sold for revenue. Doubling wages would only double the labor.
So why are companies willing to give their products away (and throw them away, destroy unused industry with bleach and razors to render them unsalvageable, et cetera) but theyāre not willing to pay their workers more?
Because capitalism is the opposite of benevolence.
āCharityā is by definition exemplary, above and beyond, extraordinary, extra. āCharityā is not something that people are entitled to. You give people a shirt or shoes or some food and call it charity, and youāre setting up an expectation that you can and will control the stream of largesse in the future, and anything and everything you give should be considered a boon from on high.
On the other hand, once you start paying your workers a higher wage, youāre creating an expectation. Youāre admitting that their labor is more valuable to you than you were previously willing to admit, and itās hard to walk that back.
Plus, when people have enough money for their basic needs, theyāre smarter and stronger and warier and more comfortable with pushing back instead of being steamrolled over. They have time and money to pursue education. They can save money up and maybe move away. They can escape from the system that depends on a steady flow of forced or near-forced labor.
So companies will do charitable ābuy one, give oneā and marketing ābuy one, get oneā even though these things by definition double the overhead per unit, but they wonāt do anything that makes a lasting difference in the standard of living for the people.
Capitalism has redefined the world so that the baseline of ethics is āHow much money can we make?ā and every little good deed over and above that is saintly.
But thereās nothing benevolent about throwing a scrap of bread to someone whoās starving in a ditch because you ran them out of their home in the first place.
The charges come two years after the activists publicly confessed to vandalizing the pipeline in an effort to halt construction.
TWO WOMEN WHOĀ vandalized the Dakota Access pipeline in an effort to halt construction have been indicted on charges that carry up to 110 years in prison and hundreds of thousands of dollars in fines. They are among the harshest penalties environmental activists have faced in the last decade.
Civil liberties lawyers say the charges are in line with industry-inspired scare tactics meant to deter citizens from participating in direct-action protests or acts of sabotage against oil and gas companies. As the deadly impacts of carbon emissions grow ever clearer, the fossil fuel industry has increased pressure on lawmakers and government officials to penalize those who would inhibit their projectsā operations.
At the same time, a growing number of activists have demonstrated willingness to break laws in order to highlight the urgency of the climate emergency and other ecological crises. Ruby Montoya and Jessica Reznicek, who stand accused of damaging pipeline valve sites using a welding torch, ātires ignited by fire, and gasoline-soaked rags,ā are part of that trend.
The arrests come more than two years after Montoya, 29, and Reznicek, 38, publicly took responsibility for a series of acts of sabotage that they said was necessary to protect the rivers and waterways under which the Dakota Access pipeline passes. Both women had been involved in the Indigenous-led struggle to stop the pipeline, which attracted thousands of people to opposition camps in North Dakota and Iowa in 2016 and 2017.
āWe are speaking publicly to empower others to act boldly, with purity of heart, to dismantle the infrastructures which deny us our rights to water, land, and liberty,ā Montoya and Reznicek stated at a press conference in July 2017.
They told The Intercept at the time that they planned to use a necessity defense to argue that they had no choice but to act. Civil liberties attorneys said they are not aware of such a defense being accepted in a federal case related to climate change or environmental issues. It has, however, begun to gain traction in lower courts, where a handful of pipeline protesters have successfully argued that they acted out of necessity.
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āI wish the government would use the same resources to go after the oil companies and pipeline companies, but clearly theyāre not interested in that,ā said Bill Quigley, an attorney who previously represented Montoya and Reznicek. āThey shouldnāt be prosecuted; they should be praised. Theyāre trying to stop the destruction of the human race.ā
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By the spring of 2017, however, the pipeline company had overcome the water protectors; construction was all but complete and the camps mostly cleared. It was then that a series of above-ground valves along the pipeline route were pierced by welding tools.
In response, the mercenary security company TigerSwan launched aĀ multi-state dragnetĀ in search of the saboteurs, who they referred to as eco-terrorists. Montoya and Reznicek were their primary suspects, but internal reports TigerSwan filed to Energy Transfer Partners also described how security personnel cast suspicion on an array of other activists. They reached out to pipeline opponentsā neighbors and local businesses for help in their search. They surveilled one Native coupleās private home and photographed their property. A TigerSwan contractorĀ posing as a water protectorĀ sought information about Montoya and Reznicek from pipeline opponents who believed him to be a friend. The documents show repeated instances of the company attempting to feed information to local and federal investigators.
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At an energy industry conference in 2018, Kelcy Warren, CEO and board chair of Energy Transfer,Ā mentionedĀ Reznicek and Montoyaās actions. āI think youāre talking about somebody who needs to be removed from the gene pool,ā he said.
The oil industry used the acts of sabotage toĀ pushĀ for a crackdown on pipeline opponents. In 2017, the American Legislative Exchange Council introduced model legislation that would increase penalties for anyone who interfered with oil industry operations.Ā IowaĀ and at least seven other states have passed related anti-protest laws. More recently, industry lobbyists, as well asĀ membersĀ of the Trump administration, haveĀ proposedĀ federal legislation to make it a felony to inhibit pipeline operations. Most of the legislative proposals are broad enough to net individuals who commit no acts of property destruction.
Meanwhile, since it started operating, the Dakota Access pipeline has had at leastĀ 10 spills, and this past June, Energy TransferĀ announcedĀ plans to nearly double the pipelineās capacity. A recentĀ studyĀ indicated that current fossil fuel infrastructure leaves humanity with less than a 50 percent chance of avoiding unmanageable climate crises.
Energy Transfer did not respond to a request for comment.
In parallel to industry lobbying, fossil fuel opponents have advanced their own efforts to set legal precedents that protect dissent. āThe state of the necessity defense in climate cases is emerging, and it is gaining acceptance in state courts across the country,ā said Quigley.
Pipeline protesters in Massachusetts have had the most significant success in mounting the climate necessity defense. In March 2018, a judge found 13 opponents of a Spectra gas pipeline not responsible for civil charges related to their attempts to block construction, because the environmental risk posed by the pipeline made their actions necessary.
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Meanwhile, the most severe penalties for participants in the movement against the Dakota Access pipeline have been borne by Indigenous opponents. Red Fawn Fallis, for example, faced a potential life sentence after a gun in her possession went off as she was tackled to the ground by police. The Oglala Lakota Sioux water protector isĀ servingĀ a five-year sentence.
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Itās unclear why the investigation took more than two years, but a possible historical parallel can be found in a string of arrests in the mid-2000s, during a period known as theĀ Green Scare. Law enforcement officers arrested environmental activists accused of involvement in arsons, years after they committed the alleged crimes. The FBI had used that time to build cases against an array of actors. āBased on past experience and based on some of the other clues that Iām seeing, I certainly have a concern that there may be more than two defendants, but that is real speculation,ā said Regan, who represented many Green Scare defendants.
The indictment against Reznicek and Montoya claims that the acts were carried out āwith other persons known and unknown by the Grand Jury.ā In an interview shortly after their confession, Reznicek told The Intercept, āAt no point was anyone else involved in these activities. Not even in consultation. Not in anything.ā
A spokesperson for the U.S. Attorneyās Office of the Southern District of Iowa declined to comment.
Regan called the charges against Reznicek and Montoya evidence that the industryās legislative initiatives are a public relations stunt. āWhat these charges indicate to me is that the state does not need any of these gifts to the fossil fuel industry. The existing crimes are more than adequate, because obviously āmalicious use of fireā is not a crime that was drafted by ALEC,ā Regan said.
Montoya remains in jail in Arizona, awaiting a hearing, while Reznicek was released on bail Tuesday, on house arrest with an ankle monitor. Her trial is scheduled for December 2.
a story my parents like to tell about me is that once, when i was about 4, we were up in maine and i wandered out to the porch and said happily, āthereās a dog in the grocery store.ā
āwhat?ā said my parents.
ādog,ā i said. āin the grocery store!ā
i said shit like this constantly because i was an imaginative child to the point of being slightly delusional, so they were like lol ok. dog in the grocery store. enjoy that. weāll be here reading pg wodehouse like we do every vacation. so i wandered away again.
after a couple of minutes i reappeared and said louder, āDOG IN THE GROCERY STORE.ā
āok,ā said my parents.
āSEE DOG,ā i insisted.
āfine,ā said my long-suffering parents, closing their books, āfine, weāll come See Dog. itās probably another cardboard box that you drew ears on, but fine,ā so they followed me back inside and i took them to the kitchen, where they found that a HUGE MOOSE had stuck its bathtub-sized head into the open window next to the pantry and was lipping peaceably at the canned goods, which is apparently a thing they do. āDOG!ā i said happily. apparently i was not good at identifying animals and i thought everywhere with food was a grocery store
#and you have to remember how many names are most likely missing#from rushed trains and burned lists#from rushed transports and people who died on the death marchs#what about the names from people who died after their liberation#and thenā¦#this is only Auschwitz#this was the biggest camp yes#but just one of many#and then remember sobibor and belsec#and try not to feel sick
The Auschwitz-Birkenau Death Books do not reflect the nearly 900,000 Jews murdered in the gas chambers upon arrival. Only prisoners in the slave labor pool (including some 230,000 Jews) were given numbers; only these prisoners had their death certificates listed in the Death Books.
ā¦
However, because of labor needs in the armaments industry, by 1942 the Nazis saved some able-bodied Jews as workers. According to [Rudolf Hƶss, commandant of Auschwitz-Birkenau]: āThe railways cars were unloaded one after another. After depositing their baggage, the Jews had to individually pass in front of an SS doctor, who decided on their physical fitness as they marched past him. Those who were considered able-bodied were immediately escorted into the camp in small groups. Jews selected for gassing were taken as quietly as possible to the crematories.ā Only those selected for labor were given numbers; Jews sent to the gas chambers were not.