Technology in Development: Evolution of ICT4D Research and Practice
This is an extract of the chapter 2 of my thesis âEvaluating how information and communication technology (ICT) interventions affect the wellbeing of Indigenous communities in the North Rupununi, Guyanaâ
In the context of rapid industrialisation of traditional social systems of the second half of the 20th century, information and communication technologies played the role of assisting in the diffusion and acceptance of innovations (Davis 1989; Rogers 1969). The application of ICT in development â often referred to with the ICT4D acronym - became an area of research and practice (Kleine & Unwin 2009), situated at the convergence between informatics and development studies. ICT4D draws on a variety of disciplines and fields, including information systems (Avgerou & Walsham 2000; Bhatnagar & Bjorn-Andersen 1990; Bhatnagar & Odedra 1992; Odedra-Straub 1996; Roche & Blaine 1996; Walsham & Sahay 2006), human-computer interaction (Dearden 2008), computer science, and communication studies (Mansell 2002). Other disciplines include sociology, economics and governance (Heeks 2010). While its multidisciplinarity has contributed to producing a rich body of literature (Gomez 2013; Patra et al. 2009), these disciplines also have their preferred approaches for characterising the role of ICT in development, favouring technological, information, or people centric approaches. As a result, the field is open, dynamic and conflicted.
Some  researchers refer to âInformation and Communication Technologies and Developmentâ (ICTD) (Avgerou 2010; Dearden & Dearden 2013; Gomez  2013; Kai-Ti Kao 2010; Perez & Ben-David 2012). This is also the case at the  ICTD international conference held almost every year since 2006, which describes itself as an international forum for researchers and practitioners exploring the role of information and communication technologies in social, political, and economic development. Others refer explicitly to ICT for Development, popularised by the  use of texting shorthand within its acronym: ICT4D (Diaz Andrade & Urquhart 2012; Heeks 2008). They argue that using the  ICT4D acronym provides a purpose for activity, and has the advantage of  forcing practitioners to make explicit what they mean by development, thereby  helping to uncover assumptions (Kleine & Unwin 2009; Walsham & Sahay 2006). More recently, the term digital development was said to have  gained renewed interest (Heeks 2016)[1].
The evolution of ICT4D research is also heavily influenced by the evolution of ICT over the past few decades. In the 1980s and 1990s, the natural home of ICT4D research was the Information Systems (IS) literature. IS aimed to make sense of new technological opportunities and the increasing computerisation of developed societies (Heeks 2008). The interest of IS was to design systems aimed at helping governments and business organisations develop and use ICT effectively (Walsham 2012). It was therefore essentially driven by objectives of effectiveness and competitiveness, and focused on issues of technology transfer and implementation (Ad Hoc Panel 1987; Cyranek & Bhatnagar 1992; Grant-Lewis 1987; Grant Lewis 1992; Lind 1991; Odedra 1992), the contribution of systems development methodologies for analysing the socio-organisational conditions in developing countries (Bell & Wood-Harper 1990; Korpela 1996; Korpela et al. 2000; Mursu et al. 2003), as well as technology adoption in recipient countries (Al-Gahtani 2003; Rose & Straub 1998).
Starting from the mid-1990s, the growing adoption of ICT targets by international development agencies, combined with the limited diffusion of internet in poorer countries also brought to light the increasingly unequal spatial and social distribution of ICT. The main question for development actors soon became to find solutions to extend ICT access to the poor in order to reduce the digital divide, and to create favourable conditions to lift them out of poverty (Kenny 2000; Mbarika et al. 2007; Norris 2001; Wresch 1998). The installation of telecentres in poor and rural areas was one of the principal solutions advanced for granting access to ICT. This type of intervention presented multiple advantages for donor organisations: they were quick to install and produced tangible evidence of achievement, they delivered internet access to the poor and, not least, they also provided sales for IT companies (Heeks 2008). The dominant model of intervention involved public-private partnerships, often implemented through top-down, supply-driven processes. Underlying this was a vast communication system aimed at convincing societies on the necessity to adopt digital technologies:
âUsing the language of âdigital revolutionâ and âinformation superhighwayâ, marketing professionals and politicians together ensured that the general public was aware of the significance of the crucial role of new ICTs in their societiesâ (Kleine & Unwin 2009:1048).
The growing use of ICT in development interventions also drew important criticisms. It was for instance argued that the focus of donors on bridging the technological divide in developing countries was leading to new dependencies from these countries towards those that owned and designed the technologies (Wade 2002). It was also accused of imposing a modernist logic onto its recipients in general, and Indigenous peoples in particular, drawing them towards a system of beliefs alien to them, and risking the loss of cultural identity (Diaz Andrade & Urquhart 2012). However, the biggest criticism targeted the lack of results of many interventions, which highlighted the limitations of blueprint, techno-centric approaches. The gap between the centralised design of these ICT4D interventions and the differing realities of the local contexts in which they were implemented (Heeks 2002) affected their sustainability (Best & Kumar 2008), and generated increasing frustration (Bailur 2007b; Madon et al. 2007; Parkinson & Lauzon 2008). An account of a World Bank policy paper by Wade (2002) explained, for instance, that following the installation of 23 multipurpose community telecentres in rural Mexico, only five were working two years later: a failure rate of 80 percent. Calls were made to deepen ICT4D research, and compensate the lack of theory, conceptual definition, interdisciplinary approaches, qualitative research and longitudinal research (Gomez & Pather 2010; Van Dijk 2005). In addition, it indicated a need to develop effective instruments for monitoring and evaluation (Kleine and Unwin 2009). In short, these failures triggered a self-assessment within the ICT4D community:
âLarge scale hardware and operating system innovation specifically targeted at the bottom-of-the-pyramid are risky ventures, reserved only for the brave or foolishâ (Heeks 2008:29).
Although telecentre-styled interventions lost their appeal, the idea of a role of ICT in development has remained influential in policy circles, the industry, and civil society organisations. Much of their focus has shifted to the new opportunities made possible by the diffusion of mobile technologies (World Bank 2012). It has been argued that the adoption of mobile communication, the diffusion of network-based applications, and the generation of user-based content may foster collaboration among stakeholders, generate new sources of income, and even empower the voiceless (Heeks 2008; Kleine & Unwin 2009; Silva et al. 2009; Thompson 2008). Yet, an important challenge of ICT4D remains the need for an increased understanding of the relationship between ICT interventions and wellbeing. This is also true in Indigenous contexts where, as argued earlier, values may deviate significantly from those promoted in global development models and which often drive development interventions.
[1] For the sake of clarity, I hereafter solely use the acronym ICT4D.













