Some girls are hot because they look like boys and some boys are hot because they look like girls - straight people deny this fact too much

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Some girls are hot because they look like boys and some boys are hot because they look like girls - straight people deny this fact too much
Once we recognize the rhetorical potential of prenominal passives, it comes as no surprise when we find them in familiar phrases that direct our attention away from the men who rape, batter, and maim women and children. Phrases like "battered women" and "abused children" force us to interpret the agentless passives as defining characteristics of women and children, as though men battering women and abusing children are inherent properties of being a woman or a child. Other contemporary phrases, such as "liberated woman," are no less suspect, because we have no way of identifying the missing agent. Can women liberate ourselves, or must we wait upon the benevolence of men or the agency of male control euphemized and abstracted as "society"? The contemporary media equation of "liberated woman" with 'heterosexually active' doesn't encourage optimism, either. In "Chatter," one of People magazine's regular features, Peter Castro equated liberated with wanton when he contrasted Andrea Evans with one of her roles: “Despite her character's wanton ways, Andrea herself isn't as liberated” (100). Women who allow men to fuck them are liberated; those who don't, aren't. Using liberated in this way is a typical PUD description that perverts and trivializes our desire for freedom by turning the participle into a pejorative. Just as housewife pejorated into hussy, men use liberated instead of promiscuous because the latter adjective is now treated as an archaic attribute that represents unenlightened eras when men had to marry women before they could fuck them and a woman who didn't wait for marriage was "promiscuous," ergo bad and immoral. Men's attitudes haven't changed. They're adapting what originated as a rebellious description among women to lure them back into the heteropatriarchal fold. If women say they want to be liberated, then men equate liberation with fucking, and the women whose minds they seduce linguistically have changed their lives, but for the worse. Men detest the women they fuck, whether they say liberated or promiscuous.
-Julia Penelope, Speaking Freely: Unlearning the Lies of the Fathers’ Tongues
"Ribu's anti-imperialist feminist discourse would later manifest in its solidarity protests against kisaeng tourism. This sex tourism involved Japanese businessmen traveling to South Korea to partake in the sexual services of young South Korean women who worked at clubs called kisaengs. Ribu's protests against kisaeng tourism represented how the liberation of sex combined with ribu's anti-imperialism and enabled new kinds of transnational feminist solidarity based on a concept of women's sexual exploitation and sexual oppression. From ribu's perspective, this form of tourism represented the reformation of Japanese economic imperialism in Asia. They were not against sex work by Japanese women, but opposed to the continued sexual exploitation of Korean women as a resurgence of the gendered violence of imperialism: Ribu activists hence connected imperialism and sexual oppression of colonized women to the continuing sexual exploitation of Korean women in the 1970s. In this way, they were able to expand the leftist critique of imperialism and, at the same time, point to the fault lines and inadequacies of the left.
In her critique of the left, Tanaka points to its failure to have a theory of the sexes.
Even in movements that are aiming towards human liberation, by not having a theory of struggle that includes the relation between the sexes. the struggle becomes thoroughly masculinist and male-centered (dansei-chushin shugi].
According to ribu activists, this male-centered condition infected not only the theory of the revolution and delimited its horizon, but it created a gendered concept of revolution that privileged masculinist hierarchies within the culture of the left. Ribu activists decried the hypocrisy of the left and what it deemed to be the all-too-frequent egotistical posturing of the "radical men" who "eloquently talked about solidarity, the inter national proletariat and unified will," but did not really consider women part of human liberation. Ribu activists rebelled against Marxist dogma and rejected these gendered hierarchies that valued knowledge of the proper revolutionary theory over lived experience and relationships. Moreover, ribu activists criticized what they experienced as masculinist forms of militancy that privileged participation in street battles with the riot police as the ultimate sign of an authentic revolutionary. While being trained to use weapons, activists like Mori Setsuko questioned whether engaging in such bodily violence was the way to make revolution. Ribu's rejection and criticism of a hierarchy that privileged violent confrontation forewarned of the impending self-destruction within the New Left.
...
News of URA [United Red Army] lynchings, released in 1972, devastated the reputation of the New Left in Japan, and many across the left condemned these actions. This case of internalized violence within the left marked its demise. Although ribu activists were likewise horrified by such violence expressed against comrades, many ribu activists responded in a profoundly radical manner that I have theorized elsewhere as "critical solidarity." Ribu activists had already refused to lionize the tactics of violence; hence, they in no way supported the violent internal actions of the URA. However, rather than simply condemning the URA leaders and comrades as monsters and nonhumans [hi-ningen), they sought to comprehend the root of the problem. They recognized that every person possesses a capacity for violence, but that society prohibits women from expressing their violent potential. In response to the state's gendered criminalization of Nagata as an insurgent and violent woman, ribu activists practiced what I describe as feminist critical solidarity specifically for the women of the URA. Ribu activists went in support to the court hearings and wrote about their experience and critical observations of how URA members were being treated. By visiting the URA women at the detention centers, consequently, ribu activists came under police surveillance. Ribu activists enacted solidarity in ways that were tot politically pragmatic but instead philosophically motivated. Their response involved a capacity for radical self-recognition in the loathsome actions of the other. Activists wrote extensively about Nagata - for example, Tanaka described Nagata in her book Inochi no onna-tachi e [To Women with Spirit] as a kind of "ordinary" woman whom she could have admired, except for the tragedy of the lynching incidents. In 1973, Tanaka wrote a pamphlet titled "Your Short Cut Suits You, Nagata!" in response to the state's gendered criminalization of the URA's female leader, the deliberate publication of such humanizing discourse evinces ribu's efforts to express solidarity with the women who were arguably the most vilified females of their time. Hence, ribu engaged in actions that supported these criminalized others even when the URA'S misguided pursuit of revolution resulted in the unnecessary deaths of their own comrades. Through ribu's critical solidarity with the URA, they modeled the imperative of imperfect radical alliances, opening up a philosophically motivated relationality with abject subjects and a new horizon of counter-hegemonic alliances against the dominant logic of heteropatriarchal capitalist imperialism.
While the harsh criticism of the left was warranted and urgently needed given the deep sedimentation of pervasive forms of sexist practice, it should be noted that, at the outset of the movement, there were various ways in which ribu's intimate relationship with other leftist formations characterized its emergence. At ribu's first public protest, which was part of the October 21 anti-war day, some women carried bamboo poles and wooden staves as they marched in the street, jostling with the police." Ribu did not advocate pacifism; its newspapers regularly printed articles on topics such as "How to Punch a Man." During ribu protests from 1970-2, some ribu activists-as noted, with Yonezu and Mori - still wore helmets that were markers of one's political sect and a common student movement practice."
- Setsu Shigematsu, “'68 and the Japanese Women’s Liberation Movement,” in Gavin Walker, ed., The Red Years: Theory, Politics and Aesthetics in the Japanese ‘68. London and New York: Verso, 2020. p. 89-90, 91-92
The policing of indigenous genders and sexualities as a means to further the larger settler-colonial project led to the development of a “settler sexuality.” Scott Morgensen (settler scholar) defines settler sexuality as “a white national heteronormativity that regulates Indigenous sexuality and gender by supplanting them with the sexual modernity of settler subjects.” In non-academic speak, settler sexuality can be described as an “exceptional” form of sexual expression enforced by the settler-state. The setter-state deems heterosexual monogamy as “exceptional” and “normal,” and anything beyond those confines as “primitive” and “unexceptional.”
...
"Indigenous womxn, “queer,” transgender, and non-binary people endure unspeakable violence at the hands of non-native settlers and even their own community members, however they continue to resist and pave a path toward brighter tomorrows. Indigenous womxn, trans folk, queers stand at the forefront of the larger decolonial movement to reclaim previous subjectivities and to build bright collective futures.
Decolonization is often mistaken as an effort to “go back” to precolonial ways, but the active process of such carries much more gravity than that. Indigenous people not only demand the total repatriation of land, but we continually envision and push for a world void of structures such as settler-colonialism, imperialism, capitalism, racism, fascism, and heteropatriarchy.
Decolonization involves reclaiming previous ways of living — horizontal leadership, collectivism, and recognition of universal relations — and pushing such lifeways into practice and action in order to develop a sustainable future. It’s not all about the past, it’s about what we want for our communities in the years to come. Indigenous womxn and queers lead the larger movement for such futures despite the violence they experience under settler-colonialism, capitalism, and heteropatriarchy."
[Settler Sexuality - Resistance to State-Sanctioned Violence, Reclamation of Anti-Colonial Knowledges & Liberation for All K’é Infoshop Collective]
Chapter 5 . Non-white Reproduction and Same-Sex Eroticism: Queer Acts against Nature by Andil Gosine prt 3 (final)
Denying the Erotic
Homosexuality and non-white heterosexuality are both characterized as dangerous and damaging to ecology and a necessary component of this is the denial of pleasure. Sex is instead defined as an act of death and the denial of individual agency. In population-environment discourse, “the only possible relationship between humans and non-human nature is antagonistic, as nature exists only as a ‘resource’ for human use; more people inevitably means more degradation” (Sandilands 1999, 86). Second, “nature’s primary appearance in human life is as a limit to human excess, including, potentially, an excess of human freedom" (especially in the context of a crisis”) (1999, 86). Not only is death the inevitable consequence of both forms of queer sex, but sex itself is seen as failure of its initiators to civilize–unfettered desire. (164)
“The poor” have no agency; ‘population control’, ‘more accessible health and education ‘--’educating more girls building more schools and clinics, and making birth control more accessible may be, in themselves, worthy goals, but their pursuit in the context of reproductive control is problematic in that they write out love, pleasure, and sexual desire. 165
Supporting Greta Gaard’s contention that anti-eroticism and hegemonic heterosexuality not only are part of dominant Western ideas of nature, but also are interstructured with environmental degradation, Sandilands argues that Western culture’s profound erotophobia is clearly linked to the regulation of sex and ensures the production of environmentalisms that cling to an understanding of nature that pathologizes sexual diversity. (166)
(Working) Toward Queer Ecologies
The author has a couple of concerns about the political geography of queer ecology: is the production of ‘queer ecology’ a decidedly Euroamerican project? Work theorizing sexuality and nature has tended to assume (at the same time that it critiques) an understanding of environmentalism and nature as Western teleological narratives. Is the privileging of Euroamerican stories of environmentalism–even for the purpose of critical examination–complicit with the agendas of empire, and American imperialism in particular? (!!!)
Another concern: We must continue to discuss and even privilege analysis of race-racism, gender and class. The author acknowledges that their own analysis has made the assumption that there are two distinct types of people; the queer subject and the racialized as non white subject (either/or instead of both) when in reality, this intersection deserves more attention and could provide more insight.
Finally, the author suggests that the refusal of race-racism is not distinct from the refusal of heteropatriarchy, as both are productions of capitalism-nationalism. Might a queer ecological political project present a different kind of framework of resistance? Might queer ecology be better served for example by the kind of model of political resistance articulated by black lesbian feminists such as Audre Lorde, M. Jacqui Alexander, and Dionne Brand, where its work is not merely to attend to the ‘sexuality’ part of oppression, but to recognize and work with its full, complex rendering? (169)
Their credit card code ???? That's a recipe for disaster ToT
Hi, anon, thank you for dropping by, I hope you had a nice weekend and are having a nice day 🌻✨
Unfortunately, yes, you read that right 💀
My mother really screams inside when she sees that, and it's multiple times a week, if not multiple times per days sometimes...
The disasters are already happening, but I kinda hope it gives these parents a reality check :
George Johnson spent $16,293.10 off his mother's credit card to buy rings in <em>Sonic Forces</em>
(for the Independent article below, the dad says he doesn't know whether he should be mad or laugh...moids will be moids, no matter the age, I guess)
‘I didn’t know if I should get mad or laugh,’ father says
Newly released court documents show an internal strategy of encouraging what the company called "friendly fraud."
(of course the parents blame FB rather than their own parenting. Like FB obviously needs to die but these specific events wouldn't have happened if the parents actually watched their kids and didn't give them access to credit cards' functioning)
/PRNewswire/ -- Nearly half of parents (46%) say that they've caught their kids secretly spending with their credit or debit cards without a
...So yeah, some people really don't think about the logical consequences of things, as long as it keeps their kids busy and not crying or screaming or running rather than... you know...actually parenting them, playing with them, giving them plushies, going outdoor with them...etc I can't say I'm surprised, when the French gov literally had to make an ad for this specific kind of parents to stop posting pictures of theirs kids online and then making Pikatchu faces when they learn it's spread and sold in ped0 communities for some males to jerk off on the beach day where little Emily is in swimwear...
...tbh I don't get why so many people have kids if they hate spending time with them so much. Or more exactly, I guess they do so because The Straight Must Have Babies™ like they "must" have a big dumb house that leave them indebted and a big dumb car that gives them even more debts and a dog and must have a depressive breakdown after 8y of vety unhappy life together like it's no big deal because it's heterosexual culture and idea of success and fulfilled life and nobody questions it. And that's just one of the many criticisms I'd have about parents these days, because sometimes (often) I see things that make me want to nuke them and then myself.
For real, these neglected kids will grow up even more messed up than the average Tumblr population did. Then they'll vote. And will be our nurses when we'll be old. And they'll struggle a lot with empathy and resources saving with the climate crisis.
Anyway, that's bright mood Sunday for me apparently lmaooo Hope I didn't make you lose faith in humanity. It just sucks that I notice parents who raise their kids well and interact with them more than shitty to downright abusive parents when I go outside. But then again, Brittany might be an advanced case, because we're dealing with cultural traumas that created issues with alcoholism, violence, mental health issues, weird distance between kids and their parents, and so on.
Bi women who date cishet men expose them to queer culture and feminism. These men learn about queer lives, queer and feminist politics, and oppression. Many of them find out that they're not actually cis or het. Bi women transmit queerness into cishet culture. We are a virus in the system <3
What's with straight women's fascination to self infantilize? Why the fuck are you calling yourself a girl at age 22, why do you want bone shortening surgery to stand on your tiptoes to kiss your boyfriend that doesn't shower? Why are you making him buy you toys?? Why are you calling retail "blue" and pink stores??? Get a life holy shit, this is sinister asf
When I think of two adults. I imagine a dimly lit bar, two people of the same age. The thought of a brightly coloured baby bottle and crib makes my head hurt. It feels sinister in a way.