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@smoreish-seal
anyways if you’re aware of the racism in the tadc community and still participate in it with no acknowledgement or just straight up ignoring it, I will assume you’re a racist. I don’t care if it makes you feel “conflicted”, or if you just “love the show sososos much!” or if you don’t actively defend the racism, it is not enough to not be racist, you must be actively anti racist and that includes leaving this fuckass show behind
If anything bad happens to me or I lose contact with you, please remember that I begged you to donate, even a small amount, or to share my post. I will not forgive anyone who sees this post and doesn't support me with a single word or a small donation, and ignores me.
I write these words with tears in my eyes, watching my nephew suffer so much, unable to get up. He has been in excruciating pain and has had repeated fainting spells over the past week due to severe anemia. I cannot afford all the medications he needs because of their high prices. All I wish is that he doesn't faint again, so I implore you to support me and help me buy his medications as soon as possible. Please donate.
Worse still, my nephew lost his father in this genocide, and I, his uncle, am their sole provider. His condition is deteriorating daily, and he desperately needs urgent surgery before his pain worsens. The pain is constant, even at night; he can't sleep, and every moment feels like endless agony.
I stand helpless before this heartbreaking scene. I don't have enough money to cover the costs of the operation or even to provide the medication that would alleviate his excruciating pain. My sense of helplessness is just as painful as his illness itself, perhaps even more so.
I need your help to alleviate my nephew's suffering and save him as soon as possible. Please, I don't want anything bad to happen to him; I've already lost my mother, my older brother, my home, and my friends. Please help me raise the necessary funds for my nephew's medication and surgery as quickly as possible. Support me, donate.
Donate here - PayPal - Vetted#642
so much of the problem with psychology and diagnostic labels to me is the fact that symptoms are often defined through outsiders and what they see from you, not what you experience internally. sure, NPD has symptoms that are like "you're entitled" and "you exploit people," but these are things that would be hard to be introspective about if you have a disorder that is literally known for making that difficult. all these symptoms come from what a doctor would potentially see from you, which makes it even more subject to personal bias and interpretation of what you must be feeling rather than what you actually are. hence why a woman might be more likely to get diagnosed with BPD or HPD but the man right next to her gets diagnosed with NPD or ASPD, despite both often having the same symptoms. or white people are more likely to be diagnosed with major depression or GAD, where a black person with the same symptoms will get diagnosed with OCD or bipolar. because it's all subject to bias and assumption from the outside, not internal experience from the actual person with the disorder
not to mention, the fact we even have disorders like NPD, ASPD, ODD, HPD, and the way that we describe the symptoms of them, etc... is pretty fucked up. histrionic comes from female hysteria. narcissism is self-obsession and vanity when NPD is a lot more complex than that. "anti-social" basically just means antagonistic and unacceptable behavior. ODD is "we're going to label you as a psychopath: child edition." like. while i do understand wanting to rehabilitate these labels and to some degree i support it (if this is the label that the system is going to put onto you, ie NPD etc, then we should be accurate and informative about what it actually is instead of letting people treat it like Evil Demon Disorder), at the same time i can't help but hope that people really do understand that the perception of these disorders as Bad Person Disorder goes all the way back to its diagnostic label and the people who gave it that name and those symptoms to begin with. its not just that people are mean about it when it's applied. the entire system and categorization of these terms is fucked up. why did we name a disorder after narcissism. why did we name a disorder after female hysteria. why did we name a disorder "oppositional defiant disorder" and start applying it to children, especially black children. simply accepting the labels and making them not have a terrible meaning in our own spaces is one thing, but on its own it is not enough. we need to change the whole fabric of how this type of shit even works and is defined in the first place.
Being asexual and racist is embarassing as fuck. Being racist at all is obviously embarassing as fuck but the amount of racism and especially antiblackness i have been seeing from asexuals recently is obscene.
One of the only asexual activists is Yasmin Benoit, a Black woman. She has raised so much awareness for the community. She was the first asexual person to lead Pride in London, she started the #thisiswhatasexuallookslike movement and is THE leading voice for the community.
And you all will celebrate international asexuality day on April 6th but we wouldn't even have that if she hadn't cofounded it.
Edit: why are you all too scared to repost this. Cmon. Be vocal about being against racism
In case anyone finds it helpful because mobility aids are horrifically expensive and inaccessible…
And for those people who have access to mobility devices but might benefit from a second chair they can abuse without risking expensive damage…
Erik Kondo has made a website, Open Source Innovations, that details plans for DIY wheelchairs. These wheelchairs can be made from common materials like wood, plastic, and pvc. They are lightweight and can be custom fit to the user allowing from the same degree of movement you would get from a custom chair. And they are durable and easily repairable. (he has been stress testing his latest design by dropping it down stairs, dropping it out of a car, launching it across a driveway, and throwing it off a deck). Its 12lbs and I think he said its was in the $200 ish range for parts.
He also is working on cheap, open source, accessible designs for beach chairs, off road chairs, motorized attachments (think smart drive), and so on. Plus he skateboards in his wheelchair. Cool dude, helpful info, pass it on.
It's incredibly sad people have to resort to this, but it's a damn good resource. Use it. Spread awareness. Maybe one day people with physical disabilities won't need DIYs like this. But until then, reblog and share.
This is Accessibility!
That's so amazing! It is unfortunate that so many people will need this, but very very cool that it exists
That other link seems to be broken.
Thank you so much for putting the working one!
I will add it to my original reblog as well.
“Teachers are often unaware of the gender distribution of talk in their classrooms. They usually consider that they give equal amounts of attention to girls and boys, and it is only when they make a tape recording that they realize that boys are dominating the interactions. Dale Spender, an Australian feminist who has been a strong advocate of female rights in this area, noted that teachers who tried to restore the balance by deliberately ‘favouring’ the girls were astounded to find that despite their efforts they continued to devote more time to the boys in their classrooms. Another study reported that a male science teacher who managed to create an atmosphere in which girls and boys contributed more equally to discussion felt that he was devoting 90 per cent of his attention to the girls. And so did his male pupils. They complained vociferously that the girls were getting too much talking time. In other public contexts, too, such as seminars and debates, when women and men are deliberately given an equal amount of the highly valued talking time, there is often a perception that they are getting more than their fair share. Dale Spender explains this as follows: “The talkativeness of women has been gauged in comparison not with men but with silence. Women have not been judged on the grounds of whether they talk more than men, but of whether they talk more than silent women.” In other words, if women talk at all, this may be perceived as ‘too much’ by men who expect them to provide a silent, decorative background in many social contexts.”
—
PBS: Language as Prejudice - Myth #6: Women Talk Too Much (via misandry-mermaid)
Every EVERY women’s studies class I’ve been in has had this problem and failed to address it.
(via iamayoungfeminist)
hey yall,wanted to update that tumblr alerted me that the mature tag was removed from my gifset which was unexpected because i don’t think they even read my appeals for the ones all over my art.
ironically? the first time they removed a mature tag (on an ask i received) was after i mentioned it in a different post i made that got 11k notes meaning someone from staff definitely saw it and presumably removed it the tag.
this leads me to believe that they 10000% know this is a bigger problem than they let on because the only two times they have removed mature tags on my posts about black women and girls, was when i, or someone else, mentioned it with receipts on a post that got thousands of notes.
idk what’s worse? knowing this system targets certain people and still using it bc it’s cheaper or whatever than any real moderation.. or only stepping in and changing it when enough people complain. not sure how i feel about either.
I hate explaining dog whistles to white people because they look at you like you're a goddamn conspiracy theorist. Like Lord forbid bigotry is more subtle than someone shouting "I HATE (INSERT SLUR)" to an oppressed person's face and violently beating the shit out of them.
Happy Pride, everyone!
Every American on this site get educated on Black Liberation right now.
I have compiled a list of books and articles to do this with, placed below. This list is not exhaustive, and it focuses on the United States, with some essential international contributions. Because there can be no true black liberation without an end to capitalism, this list also bears a focus toward the radical, revolutionary vector of the black liberation struggle. It is ordered chronologically from earliest to latest, and I have added free-to-access links where I can.
Have a recc? Add it!!
BOOKS:
Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Frederick Douglass, 1845: Douglass’s first autobiography exposes slavery through direct testimony, showing both its physical violence and its systematic denial of literacy, family, and personhood. Read it because it helped define the enslaved narrative as liberatory weapon, abolitionist evidence, and Black self-authorship.
My Bondage and My Freedom, Frederick Douglass, 1855: This second autobiography expands Douglass’s earlier account with deeper reflection on slavery, racism in the North, labor, and political struggle. Read it because Douglass presents himself not only as a formerly enslaved witness, but as a mature theorist of freedom, capital, and democratic transformation.
Life and Times of Frederick Douglass: From 1817 to 1882, Frederick Douglass, 1893: Douglass’s final autobiography situates his life within Reconstruction, abolition, public office, and the failures of postwar democracy. Read it because it tracks the arc from slavery to emancipation to betrayal, showing how Black liberation requires ongoing and revolutionary political struggle outside the system.
The Souls of Black Folk, W.E.B. Du Bois, 1903: Du Bois analyzes Black life after Reconstruction through concepts like double consciousness, the color line, and the veil. It remains essential because it created much of the vocabulary for modern Black political, sociological, and cultural thought.
The Life and Struggle of Negro Toilers, George Padmore, 1931: Padmore connects Black labor exploitation across Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States to imperialism and capitalism. Read it for an early and explicitly communist anti-colonial text that frames Black liberation as, fundamentally, an international working-class struggle.
Black Reconstruction in America, W.E.B. Du Bois, 1935: Du Bois reinterprets Reconstruction as a revolutionary, proletarian, and democratic experiment driven by formerly enslaved workers and interracial labor struggle. It is indispensable because it demolished racist historiography and remains one of the greatest Marxist histories of the United States.
The Negro Question in the United States, James S. Allen, 1936: Allen develops the Communist Party’s Black Belt thesis, arguing that Black people in the U.S. South constituted an oppressed nation with a right to self-determination according to COMINTERN qualifications.
Let Me Live, Angelo Herndon, 1937: Herndon’s memoir recounts his violent prosecution in Georgia after organizing unemployed Black and white workers as a communist during the Depression. Read it because it captures the danger and promise of interracial communist labor organizing in the Jim Crow South, as well as a communist view toward black liberation.
The Black Jacobins & The Black Jacobins Reader, C.L.R. James, 1938: James narrates the Haitian Revolution as a world-historical slave revolt tied to capitalism, empire, and the French Revolution. It is crucial because it places enslaved Black revolutionaries at the center of modern revolutionary history.
Capitalism and Slavery, Eric Williams, 1944: Williams argues that slavery and the slave trade were central to the rise of British capitalism and that abolition was shaped by economic transformation, not moral awakening alone. It remains important for reframing slavery – and, therefore, white supremacy – as foundational to modern capitalism.
The World and Africa, W.E.B. Du Bois, 1947: Du Bois situates Africa at the center of world history, imperialism, capitalism, and the development of modern civilization. It is important because it extends his anti-colonial and Pan-African analysis after World War II.
Negro Liberation, Harry Haywood, 1948: Haywood lays out a Marxist-Leninist theory of Black national oppression, self-determination, and revolutionary struggle in the United States. It is essential for understanding the most developed communist defense of the Black Belt thesis.
Discourse on Colonialism, Aimé Césaire, 1950: Césaire argues that colonialism brutalizes both colonized peoples and Europe itself, revealing fascism as colonial violence turned inward. It is foundational because it links anti-colonial revolt, racism, capitalism, and European humanism’s hypocrisy.
The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon, 1961: Fanon analyzes colonial violence, national liberation, revolutionary consciousness, and the dangers of postcolonial elite rule. It became essential reading for Black radicals because it offered a holistic theory of decolonization as psychological, cultural, and material struggle.
Negroes with Guns, Robert F. Williams, 1962: Williams defends armed self-defense against white supremacist terror, drawing from his experience organizing in Monroe, North Carolina. It is important because it challenged nonviolence as the sole legitimate strategy in the civil rights movement.
The Fire Next Time, James Baldwin, 1963: Baldwin addresses race, religion, love, rage, and America’s unresolved debt to Black people in two extraordinary essays.
The Autobiography of Malcolm X, Malcolm X and Alex Haley, 1965: This autobiography traces Malcolm’s transformation from street hustler to Nation of Islam minister to internationalist revolutionary. It is foundational because it dramatizes political awakening, Black self-determination, anti-imperialism, and ideological growth.
Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements, Malcolm X and George Breitman, 1965: This collection presents Malcolm’s late speeches on Black nationalism, capitalism, imperialism, self-defense, and international solidarity. It matters because it shows Malcolm’s politics moving beyond the Nation of Islam toward global revolutionary struggle.
Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?, Martin Luther King Jr., 1967: King argues that civil rights victories were incomplete without economic justice, anti-poverty programs, labor rights, and structural transformation. It is essential because it shows King’s late politics as far more radical and socialist than his sanitized public memory.
Groundings with My Brothers, Walter Rodney, 1969: Rodney develops a Black Power and Pan-Africanist politics rooted in direct engagement with working-class and poor Black communities.
Seize the Time: The Story of the Black Panther Party, Bobby Seale, 1970: Seale recounts the formation, politics, repression, and community programs of the Black Panther Party. Read it for an insider account of the Panthers’ revolutionary organization, survival programs, and confrontation with state power.
Soledad Brother, George Jackson, 1970: Jackson’s prison letters analyze racism, capitalism, fascism, incarceration, and revolutionary discipline from inside the California prison system. Read it because it helped define the prison as a central battlefield of Black liberation intellectually and materially.
If They Come in the Morning: Voices of Resistance, Angela Davis, 1971: This collection centers political prisoners, state repression, racism, and the carceral system within revolutionary struggle. It is vital because it links Black liberation, communism, prison abolition, and international solidarity.
Look for Me in the Whirlwind, Matt Meyer and the Panther 21 Collective, 1971: This text collects writings connected to the Panther 21 case, documenting repression, trial politics, and revolutionary defense. Read it because it preserves the voices of targeted organizers confronting the legal system as a tool of political suppression.
Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism, Kwame Ture, 1971: This collection gathers Ture’s speeches from SNCC and the Black Power period, emphasizing self-determination, anti-imperialism, and mass struggle. It matters because it shows the transition from civil rights liberalism to revolutionary Black Power.
The League of Revolutionary Black Workers, Michael Hamlin, 1971: This collection documents the Detroit-based Black Marxist labor movement that organized inside auto plants.
How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Walter Rodney, 1972: Rodney argues that African underdevelopment was not natural but produced through slavery, colonialism, extraction, and Western imperialism. It remains foundational because it gives a clear Marxist account of global inequality and dependency while articulating a clear revolutionary and socialist solution.
Blood in My Eye, George Jackson, 1972: Jackson’s final writings advance a theory of U.S. based people’s war against a global system of imperialism in the context of Black Panther theories of black nationalism.
Black Worker in the Deep South, Hosea Hudson, 1972: Hudson’s memoir recounts communist labor organizing among Black workers in Alabama under Jim Crow.
To Die for the People, Huey P. Newton and Toni Morrison, 1973: This collection presents Newton’s essays and speeches on revolution, self-defense, community programs, and intercommunalism. Read it because it shows the Panthers’ theoretical evolution beyond nationalism toward a global analysis of empire and capitalism.
Revolutionary Suicide, Huey P. Newton, 1973: Newton’s autobiography combines personal history with the origins and philosophy of the Black Panther Party.
Return to the Source: Selected Speeches of Amílcar Cabral, Africa Information Service, 1973: Cabral’s speeches theorize culture, national liberation, class struggle, and anti-colonial organization in Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. Read it because Cabral deeply influenced Black radicals seeking disciplined, anti-imperialist revolutionary theory.
Organized Labor and the Black Worker, Philip Foner, 1974: Foner surveys the long history of Black workers’ struggles inside and outside organized labor. Read it because it challenges labor histories that marginalize Black workers and shows race as central to class struggle.
Detroit: I Do Mind Dying, Dan Georgakas and Marvin Surkin, 1975: This book tells the history of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers and Black radical labor insurgency in Detroit auto plants.
Black Bolshevik, Harry Haywood, 1978: Haywood’s memoir traces his life through the Communist Party USA, the Comintern, the Scottsboro era, and debates over Black self-determination. Read it for giving a key insider’s view of Black communism across the twentieth century.
Women, Race and Class, Angela Davis, 1981: Davis analyzes slavery, suffrage, labor, reproductive politics, and racism with a feminist and socialist framework. It is a pioneering work in showing how race, gender, and class must be understood together.
There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America, Vincent Harding, 1981: Harding narrates Black freedom struggle as a long, continuous river of resistance from slavery through modern movements.
Black Marxism, Cedric Robinson, 1983: Robinson argues that capitalism was racial from its inception and that Black resistance formed a distinct Black Radical Tradition not reducible to European Marxism. It is essential because it transformed debates about racial capitalism, Marxism, and Black liberation.
Red and Black: The Communist Party and Black Radicalism, 1919–1950, Gerald Horne, 1986: Horne examines the relationship between the Communist Party and Black freedom struggles in the first half of the twentieth century.
Assata, Assata Shakur, 1987: Shakur’s autobiography recounts her life, activism, imprisonment, escape, and political development through the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army era.
Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, Eric Foner, 1988: Foner synthesizes the history of Reconstruction as a contested struggle over labor, citizenship, race, and democracy. It is essential because it remains the standard modern history of Reconstruction and builds on Du Bois’s earlier reinterpretation.
Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression, Robin D.G. Kelley, 1990: Kelley reconstructs the history of Black communist organizing among sharecroppers, workers, and poor communities in Alabama. Read it for a critical history of communism in Black Southern culture, survival, and everyday resistance.
A Taste of Power, Elaine Brown, 1992: Brown’s memoir recounts her leadership in the Black Panther Party and the gendered contradictions inside revolutionary movements. Read it because it gives a rare account of Black women’s leadership, power, and conflict within the Panthers.
Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class, Robin D.G. Kelley, 1994: Kelley explores everyday forms of Black working-class resistance, from labor slowdowns to cultural rebellion.
Black Liberation/Red Scare: Ben Davis and the Communist Party, Gerald Horne, 1994: Horne examines the life of Ben Davis, a Black communist leader, lawyer, and New York City councilman whose career was shaped by both anti-racist activism and Cold War repression. Read it because it shows how anti-communism was used to weaken Black liberation movements and erase radical alternatives from American political history.
I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle, Charles M. Payne, 1995: Payne studies organizing traditions in the Mississippi freedom movement, especially the patient grassroots work behind civil rights victories. Read it because it shifts attention from charismatic leaders to local organizers, networks, and movement culture/history.
Black Movements in America, Cedric Robinson, 1997: Robinson surveys the history of Black resistance and political struggle in the United States from a Marxist framework. Read it because it highlights material, ideological, narrative, and organizational continuities within the Black Radical Tradition.
We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American Century, Roderick D. Bush, 1999: Bush analyzes Black nationalism, class struggle, and global capitalism across the twentieth century. Read it because it places Black nationalist movements within a broader world-system and anti-capitalist framework.
A Hubert Harrison Reader, Hubert Harrison, 2001: This collection introduces Harrison’s writings on socialism, race, free thought, labor, and Harlem radicalism. Read it because Harrison was a foundational Black socialist intellectual whose influence is still underrecognized.
Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination, Robin D.G. Kelley, 2002: Kelley explores the utopian imagination within Black radical movements, from communism and surrealism to feminism and reparations. Read it for its argument that liberation movements are powered not only by grievance but by visions of a transformed world.
The Huey P. Newton Reader, David Hilliard and Donald Weise, 2002: This collection gathers Newton’s major writings on the Black Panther Party, self-defense, revolutionary theory, and intercommunalism. It is important because it provides a compact map of Newton’s political development.
Are Prisons Obsolete?, Angela Davis, 2003: Davis argues that prisons are historically produced institutions that should be abolished rather than reformed indefinitely. It is foundational for prison abolition because it makes abolition accessible as both critique and political horizon.
Ready for Revolution, Kwame Ture, 2003: Ture’s memoir traces his path from civil rights organizing to Black Power, Pan-Africanism, and revolutionary socialism. It matters because it situates U.S. Black struggle within global anti-colonial politics.
Abolition Democracy: Beyond Empire, Prisons, and Torture, Angela Davis, 2005: Davis links prison abolition to unfinished Reconstruction, arguing that abolition requires building new democratic institutions. Important because it frames abolition as a constructive project, not merely the removal of prisons.
Medical Apartheid, Harriet A. Washington, 2006: Washington documents the history of medical experimentation and exploitation of Black Americans from slavery to modern research institutions.
Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America, Peniel E. Joseph, 2006: Joseph narrates the rise of Black Power from the 1950s through the 1970s, connecting SNCC, Malcolm X, the Panthers, and cultural politics.
Golden Gulag, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, 2007: Gilmore analyzes California prison expansion through political economy, surplus land, labor, finance, and state crisis. It is vital as a rigorous Marxist account of American mass incarceration.
We Are Heirs of the World’s Revolutions / Thomas Sankara Speaks, Thomas Sankara, 2007: This collection presents Sankara’s speeches from the Burkina Faso revolution on anti-imperialism, women’s liberation, debt, and popular power. Read it because Sankara became a key reference point for contemporary Pan-African socialist politics across the world.
Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones, Carole Boyce Davies, 2008: Davies reconstructs the political life of Claudia Jones, the Black communist feminist deported from the United States during the Cold War. It restores Jones as a major theorist of race, gender, class, empire, and communism.
Resistance Behind Bars: The Struggles of Incarcerated Women, Victoria Law, 2009: Law documents how incarcerated women have organized against abuse, inadequate healthcare, forced labor, and other forms of oppression within prisons.
The War Before, Safiya Bukhari and Laura Whitehorn, 2010: Bukhari’s compiled writings on the Black Panther Party, political prisoners, armed struggle, and movement discipline. Read it because it preserves the political thought of a major organizer in Black liberation and prisoner support movements.
Claudia Jones: Beyond Containment, Carole Boyce Davies, 2011: This collection gathers Claudia Jones’s writings across communism, feminism, anti-imperialism, peace, and Black liberation. Read it because it provides Jones’s own political analysis accessible beyond biographical treatment.
Shackled and Chained: Mass Incarceration in Capitalist America, Eugene Puryear, 2013: Puryear analyzes mass incarceration as a product of capitalism, racism, policing, and political repression. It is important as a contemporary socialist argument linking prison abolition to broader anti-capitalist struggle.
Pan-Africanism and Communism: Pan-Africanism and Communism: The Communist International, Africa and the Diaspora, 1919-1939, Hakim Adi, 2013: Adi examines the Communist International’s relationship with Africa and the African diaspora between 1919 and 1939.
Black Seminoles: History of a Freedom Seeking People, Kenneth Porter, 2013: Porter traces the history of Black Seminoles, communities formed by escaped enslaved Africans and their alliances with Seminole peoples in Florida and beyond. Read it because it highlights a long tradition of Black resistance, maroon communities, and Indigenous-Black solidarity often overlooked in conventional histories.
For Jobs and Freedom: Race and Labor in America since 1865, A. Philip Randolph, edited by Andrew E. Kersten and David Lucander, 2014: This collection presents Randolph’s speeches and writings on labor, civil rights, socialism, and the March on Washington tradition. It matters because Randolph connects Black freedom to unions, economic democracy, and mass protest.
Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party, Joshua Bloom and Waldo E. Martin, 2014: Bloom and Martin analyze the Black Panther Party’s rise and fall through geopolitics, state repression, community programs, and anti-imperialism. It is one of the best scholarly histories of the Panthers because it treats them as both local organizers and global revolutionaries while providing a mostly balanced analysis of their successes and failures.
The Radical King, edited by Cornel West, 2015: This collection foregrounds King’s anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, labor-oriented, and socialist dimensions. Read it because it challenges the depoliticized image of King as merely a toothless dreamer of racial harmony.
From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, 2016: Taylor situates the Black Lives Matter movement within histories of policing, racism, neoliberalism, and Black liberation struggle. Read it because it connects more contemporary uprisings to longer traditions of Black radical politics.
The Slave’s Cause: A History of Abolition, Manisha Sinha, 2016: Sinha presents abolition as a broad, multiracial, international labor movement led significantly by Black activists rather than a small group of white reformers. Read it because it fundamentally revises the history of abolition and restores Black leadership to the center of the struggle against slavery
Blood in the Water: The Attica Prison Uprising of 1971 and Its Legacy, Heather Ann Thompson, 2016: Thompson provides an account of the Attica prison uprising, the state's murderous retaking of the prison, and the decades-long struggle by prisoners, families, lawyers, and activists to uncover the truth and seek justice.
An African American and Latinx History of the United States, Paul Ortiz, 2018: Ortiz argues that African American and Latinx histories are deeply intertwined through shared struggles against colonialism, racism, labor exploitation, and exclusion.
A People’s History of Detroit, Mark Jay and Philip Conklin, 2020: Jay and Conklin tell Detroit's history from the perspective of workers, migrants, radicals, and community organizers rather than political and business elites. Read it because it connects labor struggles, racial justice movements, urban development, and capitalism to explain Detroit's transformation over time.
The 1811 German Coast Uprising: The History and Legacy of America’s Largest Slave Revolt, Charles River Editors, 2021: This work examines the largest slave revolt in U.S. history, in which hundreds of enslaved people in Louisiana organized an armed rebellion against plantation society.
We Do This ’Til We Free Us, Mariame Kaba, 2021: Kaba’s essays and interviews explain abolitionist organizing, transformative justice, punishment, and collective care. Read it because it translates abolition into practical organizing ethics and everyday political work.
Cedric Robinson: On Racial Capitalism, Black Internationalism, and Cultures of Resistance, edited by Hannah Appel, Nikhil Pal Singh, and Keisha-Khan Y. Perry, 2021: This collection revisits Robinson’s concept of racial capitalism and its influence across Black studies, anthropology, history, and political economy. Read it because it shows how Robinson’s framework continues to shape contemporary analysis of capitalism and race.
Histories of Racial Capitalism, Destin Jenkins and Justin Leroy, 2021: This edited collection brings together scholars examining how racial domination and capitalist development have been mutually constitutive across different historical contexts.
Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing, edited by Charisse Burden-Stelly and Jodi Dean, 2022: This collection gathers Black communist women’s political writing, foregrounding figures often marginalized in both communist and Black radical histories. Read it because it makes visible a tradition of Black women theorizing fascism, labor, imperialism, peace, and liberation.
Decolonial Marxism, Walter Rodney, 2022: This collection brings together Rodney’s essays on Marxism, African history, underdevelopment, race, and revolution. Read it because it shows Rodney as not only a historian of underdevelopment but a theorist of decolonial socialist transformation.
Black Scare/Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States, Charisse Burden-Stelly, 2023: Burden-Stelly analyzes how anti-Blackness and anticommunism developed together as tools of U.S. capitalist governance.
The Black Belt Thesis: A Reader, edited with foreword by Eugene Puryear, 2023: This reader collects primary documents on the communist theory that Black people in the U.S. South constituted an oppressed and colonized nation with the right to self-determination. It is important because it gives direct access to one of the most debated Marxist frameworks in Black liberation history.
Tip of the Spear: Black Radicalism, Prison Repression, and the Long Attica Revolt, Orisanmi Burton, 2023: Burton argues that Attica was not an isolated prison rebellion but part of a broader tradition of Black radical organizing and resistance inside prisons. Read it because it reinterprets incarcerated people as political actors and positions prison struggle as central to the history of Black liberation and revolutionary movements in the United States.
Fighting Dream: The Political Writings of Claudia Jones, edited by Gerald Horne and Eugene Puryear, 2024: This collection presents Jones’s writings as a Black communist theorist of race, gender, class, peace, fascism, and anti-imperialism.
The Rise and Fall of the Second American Republic: Reconstruction, 1860-1920, Manisha Sinha, 2024: Sinha argues that Reconstruction represented a profound democratic transformation that sought to create a multiracial republic before being undermined by white supremacy and capitalist reaction. Read it because it reframes Reconstruction as one of the most consequential democratic experiments in American history and highlights its continuing relevance to peoples’ struggles.
Class Warfare in Black Atlanta, Augustus Wood, 2025: Wood analyzes post-civil rights Atlanta through class struggle, gentrification, repression, and the contradictions of Black political leadership embodied within Atlanta.
Slavery and Capitalism: A New Marxist History, David McNally, 2025: McNally argues that Atlantic slavery should be understood as capitalist commodity production and that enslaved people’s resistance should be read as labor struggle.
Stayed On Freedom: The Long History of Black Power Through One Family's Journey, Dan Berger, 2025: Berger tells the story of longtime organizers Zoharah Simmons and Michael Simmons, using their lives to trace the evolution of Black Power, civil rights activism, anti-war organizing, and international solidarity across multiple generations.
There Is No Place for Us: Working and Homeless in America, Brian Goldstone, 2025: Goldstone exposes the crisis of homelessness among the working — often radicalized — poor, following five Atlanta families who work full-time but cannot afford housing in a gentrifying city.
I Cannot Submit to Injustices: Collected Works of Martin Sostre, Martin Sostre and Garrett Felber, 2026: This collection gathers decades of writings, interviews, speeches, and essays by Martin Sostre, the Black Puerto Rican revolutionary, jailhouse lawyer, bookseller, and political prisoner whose work helped shape both prison abolitionism and contemporary Black anarchist thought.
*takes you, fellow white American queer person by the hands* Because of your race you still occupy a space in our White Supremacist society that values you and your life more than a Black person. Yes, even cishet Black people.
There is a reason why legislation and social pushback is typically focused on preventing you from coming out, preventing you from transitioning from the start, or detransitioning and/or closeting you. That is state violence, but the state is hoping you will either do the dirty work yourself (suicide) or fall in line with the White Supremacist Patriarchal gender roles it expects of you (closeting/detransition). I know that is bad. It's abysmal. It's awful. We are not here to downplay the violence that happens broadly to queer people at the hands of the government.
However, under White Supremacy, as a white queer person, you can be "saved" from the "lifestyle choice" you have "made". We're in a country dominated by Christian savior complexes, conversion therapy is a regrowing industry, the laws targeting us are laws of restriction, laws of "prevention". White queer people are a "problem" to be "solved" by trying to "save" us from ourselves so we can reintegrate into broader white, Christian society alongside other white people. We need to be "corrected" and "saved" because our whiteness is still valuable to Christian, Patriarchal, White Supremacy.
White Supremacist state violence in the United States murders Black infants on the false allegation that their mothers are stealing diapers. White Supremacist state violence murders Black children for playing with toy airsoft guns. White Supremacist state violence murders Black women for experiencing a mental health crisis. White Supremacist state violence murders Black men on the unproven allegation that they used a counterfeit $20 bill. White Supremacist state violence murders Black people for simply existing in their homes. Kohen Wiley, Tamir Rice, Sonya Massey, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Roger Fortson. The list could go on because just existing while Black is dangerous under White Supremacy.
Your analysis of your own place in society as a queer person is incomplete without this analysis. It is not enough to say "well trans WoC have it harder than me but cishet people all have it easier" because that is incomplete and ignorant at best and flat out wrong and racist at worst. Why do trans WoC, particularly Black trans women struggle and experience so much violence in our country? Why does that violence happen? You can't just say "because they're transgender and they're women and they aren't white" and leave it at that. What are the institutions, the power structures, the long standing histories of violence and subjugation at play here? Why is it dangerous for someone to exist as a Black person, everything else aside, in the first place? Why and how does your whiteness protect you where their Blackness creates a target for them and how do the systems around you exploit that and target you differently on a material level?
Think more complexly about race and become more anti-racist now!
JUSTICE FOR TONEA MILLER!
BLACK PEOPLE DONT HANG THEMSELVES
you have to consciously unlearn racism and continue to watch for it because it will come out without realizing. because so much of society is structured around it. shrugging and going "i dont care" or "i dont know how else to say it" means you are okay with being racist and hurting other people with how much you dont give a shit about them.
The first place to check for subconscious racist ideology is in your vocabulary.
Alright so we're gonna talk about some real shit right now.
There is a YouTuber known as CerosTV, a Black bisexual man, who has made several videos on TADC where he has expressed his praise and admiration of the series, as well as shutting down the racism and bigotry allegations as nothing serious. I know that this part especially, has been frustrating to some, specifically the Black community when it comes to feeling like we can't have large creators on our side when we discuss racism and fandom.
This man has just been hatecrimed. After attending a Pride event with his girlfriend, he was attacked and assaulted by a group of men while returning home. Point blank. He's in recovery, but a GoFundMe has been posted as he sorts things out. The video down below explains more about what happened but trigger warning: it is pretty disturbing.
With that being said though...where the fuck are TADC fans now? Because they sure had no issue hyping this man up for praising the show and essentially being the gateway for nonblack fans to excuse the racism and bigotry that was occurring in fandom and production. It was all fine and dandy then, but now that he's been actually injured and in need of assistance...they've disappeared. Nothing about what happened here was "equivalent exchange" or any of the BS that I've seen people try to argue.
I AM however, going to bring attention to the fact that he was platformed by TADC fans for his opinions and now that they've been validated, they've completely moved on from him as a person. At the end of the day, while I can and will be critical of people that may dismiss or excuse bigotry towards their community for ANY reason, a situation like this is always the worst possible outcome I could ever be afraid of.
EDIT: I found the link to his GoFundMe. You can donate here!
So Glitch is just not even trying to hide their disregard for black people now
"Oh but Bull! Those are clearly just black baseball bats, they're not police batons! It's not a police brutality joke!"
And because yes I've seen people use this bullshit excuse, I raise you the fact that baseball bats are STILL blunt objects you can use to smash someone's head in. Second, this is what black baseball bats look like
Notice it only has that little stub at the end so it doesn't slip while swinging? And also the lack of a wristband?
Now let's look at what police batons look like
I don't wanna hear SHIT from any of you trying to defend this bullshit. Glitch wants to pretend to be a big boy company? Then they're going to get held to the same standard and scrutiny as a big boy company. They are grown adults and they all should know better.
