The Chronicle of Higher Education

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Teacher’s Pet

By A.W. Strouse, Illustration by Sam Kalda for The Chronicle Review

My husband didn’t want to get a cat.

Evan had never owned a pet, because, as he explained to me, "black people don’t like animals." Interracial intimacy has taught me to rethink critical race theory — but I’ll save those insights for another article. Here I’ll explain how teaching my feline to use a human toilet has taught me to rethink my approach to pedagogy.

Our Brooklyn apartment’s unrelenting plague of mice helped me to persuade Evan, but the prospect of a litter box still made him hesitate. I finally convinced him by showing him a few YouTube videos of kitties using commodes. Soon enough a cat came into our lives serendipitously — she nuzzled against my feet as I searched through the ice-cream freezer at the local deli. Then the little cutie, a calico of two years, followed me to the cash register. "If you want Cookie," the deli owner said, "we need to get her out of here anyway." Cookie came home with me, dispatched the rodents with relish, and curled up on the couch. Her take-no-prisoners ferocity, combined with her prim elegance, quickly earned her a surname. Evan dubbed her Cookie Lyon after the character played by Taraji P. Henson on Fox’s Empire.

My test as a pedagogue began. The Litter Kwitter™ arrived in the mail — a series of three trays that fit onto any conventional toilet. The first tray contains a pan for cat litter, which the student uses as one would a conventional litter box. During this stage the student learns by habit to do her business on top of the toilet. After several weeks the instructor replaces Tray 1 with Tray 2. The second tray has a small hole. During this stage the student becomes accustomed to the toilet water — naturally frightening to most kitties — and under the teacher’s supervision she learns to aim through the hole. After the student has mastered this stage, which takes several weeks, then Tray 3 replaces Tray 2. The third pan contains a much larger hole surrounded by a narrow rim of litter. Through repetition and coercion, the student gradually becomes accustomed to the porcelain throne. But this approach challenged everything I had previously believed about pedagogy.

Read the rest on our site.

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Does Engineering Education Breed Terrorists?

By Dan Berrett

In May 2010, Faisal Shahzad hoped to kill dozens of pedestrians when he parked his Nissan Pathfinder near Times Square, loaded with improvised bombs. Four months earlier, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab tried to bring down a trans-Atlantic flight carrying 289 passengers by igniting explosives sewn into his underwear. Last year, Mohammad Youssef Abdulazeez opened fire on two military facilities in Tennessee, killing five soldiers.

Like Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, Azahari Husin, and Mohamed Atta, these men sought to commit acts of terror in the name of Islam.

But all six also shared something else. They had studied engineering.

Researchers have long noticed that an oddly large number of jihadists have engineering backgrounds. Recently two social scientists, Diego Gambetta and Steffen Hertog, scrutinized the numbers and concluded that, yes, the proportion of terrorists who are engineers far outpaces expectations. Why is that? The researchers, who have pursued this question for the past several years, offer answers in a new book, Engineers of Jihad: The Curious Connection Between Violent Extremism and Education(Princeton University Press). In the process, they join two current debates: about the seeds of terrorism and about the blind spots that can afflict engineering education.

These debates coincide with the ascendance of engineering in the public eye. Graduates rank among the highest-paid right after college, and the discipline is praised as central to the nation’s military stature and economic competitiveness. Meanwhile, the study of terrorism, which is still a young field, is grappling with fundamental questions about root causes.

Central to the debates are questions of causality: Do engineering programs select a certain kind of person, one who arrives on campus already predisposed toward acts of terror? Does something in these programs worsen some students' tendency toward extremism? Or is the relationship between terrorism and engineering simply an intriguing correlation with no deeper meaning?

(Read the on our site.)

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"I could just start off with the bad part. I was in jail for six months — not jail, juvenile. I was 14. And I got out and I went to high school and I told myself, I'm gonna rise above what I was doing."

Tavaris Sanders came from a tough family situation and a bad neighborhood, and worked hard to take a different path. He earned a scholarship to Connecticut College, and made the move from his neighborhood in Chicago to the East Coast. Photographer Jonah Markowitz spent the better part of a year documenting Tavaris’ transition and the barriers he encountered along the way. Read about the journey in Tavaris’ own words in this Chronicle interactive. 

(Photos by Jonah Markowitz)

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Thrust Into a National Debate on Race, 2 Missouri Chiefs Resign

Outrage over racial inequity at the University of Missouri came to a head on Monday, as the two most powerful men at the institution resigned under pressure from students, professors, deans, and football players threatening to boycott games. Timothy M. Wolfe’s surrender from the system presidency marked a turning point in a long-simmering student-led protest movement, which has linked the shooting of an unarmed black man in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014 with broader racial tensions at the university. Hours after Mr. Wolfe resigned, R. Bowen Loftin announced that he, too, would step down at year’s end as chancellor of the flagship campus, in Columbia.

Read more on our site.

(Photos by Greg Kendall-Ball for The Chronicle)

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Why Campus Traditions Matter

(Photo credit: Gallaudet University Library Deaf Collections and Archives.)

The Rat Funeral: How a Shocking Ritual Evolved Into a Touching Rite of Passage

Students at Gallaudet University take part in a decades-old tradition marking the end of their freshman year – they bury rats. The funerals started when the Washington, D.C., institution for the deaf and hard of hearing had a preparatory program, with students known as “rats.” The details have changed over the years, but the ceremony remains central to the student experience.

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Why Campus Traditions Matter

With very few ways of acknowledging adulthood in American society, campus traditions serve as important coming-of-age events, argues Simon J. Bronner, a professor of American studies and folklore at Pennsylvania State University-Harrisburg and author of Campus Traditions: Folklore From the Old-Time College to the Modern Mega-University. For this project we look at three college traditions, but we need your help to document more. CALL FOR SUBMISSIONS

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Fish Tang, 21

A student at Hong Kong Baptist U., she was photographed by Mark Leong on Nathan Road in Mong Kok, where she slept during the nights of the Umbrella Revolution.

I consider myself a Hong Konger instead of a Chinese. I joined the movement fighting only for myself and my opinions.

The movement was the first time ever I took part in a protest. It made me a braver person. I slept on the streets for three months. I didn’t stay in one place, but moved between the different occupation areas — Mong Kok, Admiralty, Causeway Bay.

During my semester breaks, I enjoy traveling alone, backpacking around Southeast Asia. In Myanmar, I saw some hope for getting freedom and democracy, although there is a long, long way to go. In human rights, they are starting from zero, so their situation is getting better. But for Hong Kong, our situation is getting worse.

In the beginning of the movement, we were all fighting for the same things, but later we separated into smaller groups with different targets. This time we failed. But more people know about it now. I still carry yellow things because I want to remind people that we still have something to fight for.

View the entire collection on our site.

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Nathan Law, 22

The secretary general of the Hong Kong Federation of Students was photographed by Mark Leong in the federation’s offices with supplies left over from the occupied areas.

I was arrested last year and this August have been charged with two crimes — obstructing a police officer and inciting unlawful assembly. The first instance I was burning [a government document on Beijing’s authority over Hong Kong] outside the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government, and the police tried to stop us. The second was the night of September 26, when I was the emcee for a rally that ended the student strike with a march to re-occupy nearby Civic Square in front of government HQ.

When we tried to retake the square around 10 p.m., I stood on the rally stage with a microphone: calling for support, for people to bring friends, call lawyers, telling them to write the phone number of legal aid on their bodies with a pen in case they got arrested. Around 2 a.m., a number of plainclothes police rushed me and held me down. They were immediately surrounded by the people at the rally, but called for backup and forcefully pulled me out from the crowd and put me in a police car.

For me, activism began when I was a debate student in secondary school. We discussed lots of social problems. When I got to university, I saw that we students have so many resources and privileges, and thought we should use them to make society better. So I ran for election to the student union.

I started attending Tiananmen memorials when I was 18 years old. It was enlightening to me about how terrible dictatorship is. Those students who were killed carried the same thoughts and values as me.

On September 28, that was one moment I believed the movement could be a success. The idea of occupying Central was a gamble. We were stopping traffic and putting pressure on the Hong Kong government. But then I knew it was doomed, like a game of chess where they have 10 queens and we have one pawn. We did it not because we see the hope, we did it because if we don’t do it now, we will never have success. Over history, democratic movements always take a long time, while a dictatorship always eventually leads to a corrupted, unequal, and unstable society. Because of my activism last year, I took just a few credits and basically lost a half year of school. My trial date is October 30.

View the entire collection on our site.

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Stella Li, 24

The recent graduate from Hong Kong Baptist U. was photographed by Mark Leong at a Mong Kok cellphone shop where the owner let students and other activists charge their phones for free.

On September 26, at Civic Square, I stood back, behind the others. I was so afraid. But when I saw the secondary-school students defending themselves against the police with just their hands and bodies — they didn’t even have umbrellas then — that gave me courage to fight for my beliefs.

After that I stayed for many days in the occupation area. During the first week, it felt the most dangerous, because nobody knew what was going to happen from hour to hour. I stayed at night because most sudden confrontations with the police happened at night and I wanted to see it firsthand. Later, I joined with three other sociology students to research the impact of the situation for the whole neighborhood, not just the occupation, but the shops and the older people.

I had hope, especially when the international media started paying attention. But it is ridiculous that people from other countries care more about Hong Kong democracy than our own people do. I felt really shocked and sad. I realized there is a deep gap between the movement activists and the rest of the community. Most Hong Kongers have still not woken up.

View the entire collection on our site.

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Prince Wong, 18

Photographed by Mark Leong in her dorm room at Lingnan U.

My parents told me about Tiananmen when I was very young, like 7 or 8 years old. Every June 4 they went to the Tiananmen memorial, and I started going when I was 14. I read the news; I cared about society. I joined Scholarism in 2013 after I saw their stand against the Chinese “national education” curriculum that would brainwash us about how great the Communist Party is. They made me realize that even as a secondary-school student, I could speak out my opinion to the government.

When the police used the tear gas, I was wearing plastic safety goggles and a yellow construction helmet. I didn’t get gassed, but I was nearby. I felt angry and helpless. Now when I see the police, I get alert, like an animal about to run away. I know not all of them participated in beating us up, but they all still work for the government. They know what they are doing. My hunger strike (at the end of the movement, in December) lasted 118 hours. I wasn’t the Scholarism spokesperson then, and that was the first time for me to face the media. But I knew what our aim was, to get the government to open communication with the students, so I didn’t think about the pressure too much. Around the third and fourth days, I was very dizzy and I really wanted to eat. When I was looking at Facebook and saw a picture of some spaghetti, I had to close down my phone immediately.

At the end, the government did not talk to us. On the last day, they took me to the hospital, where I had to stay for a couple of days. I think my body was affected by this — it is easier for me to get ill now. Before the strike I weighed 45 kilograms, and now I weigh 38 kilograms [84 pounds].

My parents strongly objected to my hunger strike. That was the first time I felt they were really against my participation in the movement. After I was released from the hospital, I came home and we had a long talk, including some arguments. And I apologized.

I am now a spokesperson for Scholarism. I spend about three hours a day of study and class, about three hours a week practicing trombone for orchestra, and the rest of the time thinking about what Scholarism can do, from the moment I wake up. I haven’t declared a major, but it will be in the arts because I don’t want to spend the whole day talking about politics.

View the entire collection on our site.

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Reflections from a Revolution

Photographs and interviews by Mark Leong, Redux

The students who took to Hong Kong’s streets in the fall of 2014 were equal parts angry, hopeful, and innocent. For almost three months they and other pro-democracy activists blocked traffic, camped out on roads, and pressed Beijing for free and fair elections.

From the start, students played a key role. In September, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, a coalition of university student unions, and Scholarism, a group founded by high-school students, held a weeklong student strike that led to a tense standoff with authorities at Civic Square, outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. After the police used tough tactics to break up the crowd, the protests grew as many Hong Kong residents expressed shock at the violent crackdown. At its peak, more than 100,000 people joined the demonstration, which became known as the Umbrella Revolution for the umbrellas activists used to ward off tear gas.

The movement captured the world’s attention, yet its victories were mostly symbolic. Ultimately, Hong Kong and China’s leaders did not budge. In early December, after several students went on hunger strikes and police made a final round of arrests, the movement was over.

These are the portraits of 10 students and the stories, in their own words, of why they fought for political change and a better future.

  ___________________

Edward Leung, 24

Photographed in a U. of Hong Kong classroom wearing the gear he wore when confronting the police.

I am now a member of Hong Kong Indigenous. I am one of just a couple students in this organization of 30 core members. We were formed in January by young people born in the 90s. We believe the older democratic groups don’t put enough pressure on the government. They follow the peaceful movement of Martin Luther King. We follow Malcolm X — “by any means necessary.”

I did not plan to be an activist. Originally I had an internship with a small marketing company. I gave up this work because they were doing movie promotions in China, and I was not sure I would be able to travel there.

If we want real universal suffrage, we need a more radical way. We can’t care about our lives, if we really want to achieve our goal. If we need to raise awareness or promote an issue, a march is fine. If we need pressure, then we start confrontation, like occupying the legislature. If the police use violence — pepper spray, batons — we must fight back.

In the movement, I was a peaceful protester until November 30. It was one of the last actions by the HKFS, calling for the protesters to block the government HQ exits. We were beaten up. Two classmates were arrested. Three more were injured. I saw blood on their faces because the police were swinging at their heads. My first reaction was hate.

There is a Chinese saying: “using force to control violence.” After what I witnessed on November 30, I changed my ideology. Civil disobedience is too weak versus violence. In order to stop the violence we must be more forceful. We need the police to recognize we are radical protesters who will fight back.

View the entire collection on our site.

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“Ask Me”: What LGBTQ Students Want Their Professors to Know

The federal law known as Title IX is meant to protect students from discrimination based on their gender identity. But many gay, lesbian, and transgender students say they face an array of challenges and safety issues on their campuses. The Chronicle interviewed more than a dozen of them to hear more about what keeps them from thriving in college. Here’s a glance at some of the many issues they talked about:

‘More Shades of Lavender’

Shane Windmeyer, executive director of the advocacy group Campus Pride, says research data is driven by binary thinking that does not reflect the increasingly varied identities that students are embracing. "Society is changing how we view gender identity and expression and these young people are speaking out," he says. "There are more shades of lavender out there."

What’s in a name?

D.A. Dirks, co-chair of the Consortium of Higher Education LGBT Resource Professionals, says accommodating a student's desire for a name change can seem like a small issue — but it's really a major one. “Say you’re a student who lives on campus with your legal name, and then you want to go through a name change. The hoops you go through – sometimes it works in the system and sometimes it doesn’t. It can be dispiriting.” Colleges' staff members, D.A. Dirks says, need to learn why that change is important.

Housing Concerns

How can colleges make students feel best about their living arrangements? Offer them choices, D.A. Dirks says. Many institutions have gone from offering students single-bedroom options to suites. “If it’s about being with engineers, they can be with engineers. If it’s about being with students who you identify with, they should be with students they identify with." The key, D.A. Dirks says, lies in "making informed decisions about students and how they are happy on campus.”

A Need for Resources and Dedicated Staff

Campus Pride estimates that there are more than 200 campuses with resource centers dedicated to the concerns of gay, lesbian, and transgender students. Dozens more employ full or part-time staff members whose job duties include those issues, the group says. D.A. Dirks sees some progress, but says campuses need to strengthen their commitments to the LGBTQ population, since that work is often done by volunteers.

Hear more from the students in the video here.

Julia Schmalz is a multimedia producer. She tells stories with photos, audio, and video. Follow her on Twitter @jschmalz09, or email her at [email protected]

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Sweet Briar College to stay open

Virginia’s attorney general announced on Saturday that an agreement had been reached to keep Sweet Briar College, which abruptly announced in March that it planned to closethis summer, open next year after all.

The announcement of the women’s college’s closure sparked an outcry on and off the campus, as well as a flurry of legal challenges, and raised questions for other small institutions. The agreement announced by the attorney general, Mark R. Herring, would provide for the dismissal of the litigation involving the college.

The parties in the legal disputes are expected to meet before a judge on Monday to seek approval of the settlement. The agreement requires Saving Sweet Briar, an alumnae group that has been challenging the college’s closure, to deliver $12 million in donations for the college’s operations in the 2015-16 academic year, and $2.5 million of that money must be delivered by July 2.

Mr. Herring’s office would also agree to release restrictions on $16 million from the college’s endowment to support Sweet Briar’s operations.

The agreement also includes an overhaul of the college’s leadership. It stipulates that at least 13 members of Sweet Briar’s Board of Directors, and its president, James F. Jones Jr., must resign after the deal is approved. Mr. Herring’s office said Phillip C. Stone, a former president of Bridgewater College, was expected to be appointed by the new board as president.

Read more on our site.

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View the interactive piece On Being Undocumented and read their stories on our site.

The group of undocumented students who gathered at the City University of New York this month to recognize their selection as scholarship recipients looks more diverse than one might expect. From countries as different as Haiti, Poland, South Korea, and Zambia, all are enrolled at CUNY with the help of TheDream.US scholarship fund.

Eighteen young men and women, known as Dreamers, spoke with The Chronicle about their uncertain status. Some described feelings of sadness and isolation when they started trying to apply to college. Others expressed thanks for their scholarships and recognized family members and advisers who had helped them along the way. Many wished that more people in academe were better informed about the needs of and resources for undocumented students. Some expressed fear about changes in immigration laws that would affect them or their families.

The goal of TheDream.US is ambitious. “We say we want to be the Pell Grant for undocumented students,” says the program director, Maria (Gaby) Pacheco. The first national college-scholarship fund created for undocumented immigrant youth awards up to $25,000 to high-school or community-college graduates seeking to complete their bachelor’s degrees. Students must have federal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) status or may qualify under Temporary Protected Status (TPS).

“The program is growing exponentially,” says Ms. Pacheco. Started as a pilot program in 2014, the scholarship has grown from $1 million to $81 million. Despite that rapid growth, however, the effort faces obstacles nationally. Rules vary from state to state. According to a report by the Immigration Policy Center, an advocacy group, of the 65,000 undocumented students who graduate from U.S. high schools annually, only 5 to 10 percent go on to college.

One certainty is that emerging immigration policy will be a hot issue as America enters the next presidential election cycle.

By Julia Schmalz and Vincent DeFrancesco

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At Sweet Briar, a Bittersweet Commencement

“A little over 114 years ago a remarkable woman stood right here and, in the discord and uncertainties of that male-dominated era, she saw the possibilities for a world filled with strong, educated women. We are born of that vision. We are products of that legacy.And, yet, the false narratives that women’s colleges are no longer viable, rural colleges are no longer viable, or that Liberal Arts colleges are no longer viable were bought into by too many, and contributed to what threatens to be our Alma Mater’s downfall. The false narratives permeated and provided comfortable excuses for the inability or unwillingness to find a path forward. Look at how these false narratives were ratified by many in the early days of the announcement of our impending demise. “Of course!”, some acclaimed, “women’s colleges are a luxury of the past and have dubious relevancy.”Now, we need to admit something to ourselves. Upon hearing the startling news of the proposed closure of Sweet Briar College, too many of us hung our heads for a moment and accepted its defeat. For a split second, we, too, lost faith in the vision bequeathed to us. We temporarily accepted the doubts of others — that Sweet Briar wasn’t as strong as we thought, it wasn’t as valuable as we thought, Sweet Briar couldn’t cut it in today’s world and at today’s standards. For a tick of the clock, we hung our heads, and Indiana Fletcher Williams wept. Until we caught our breath, that is, and realized these are dangerous false narratives for the sake of excuse and obfuscation. We are the proof that these narratives are untrue.Nevertheless, this terrible time, this unnecessary waste has come to pass.The Old Testament tells us that Queen Esther had come to a particular position in the kingdom for such a time as this, and Mordecai reminds her that she need not think that her position protects her, for as goes the fate of those like her, so will she go. So, let me be clear, I have heard more alarming dog whistles about women who go to women's colleges in these past two months than I have ever heard in the male-dominated area of the law I practiced, or in Deep South politics. We should be troubled by that. When we allow the evidence of the extraordinary results produced here at Sweet Briar to be diminished and demeaned by these trite references, so goes all our fates. To all women, and men who respect women, to everyone who takes the education of women seriously, whether you cried at the news of the shooting of Malala Yousafzai or rejoice when you see Mika Brzezinski excoriate some pompous fool on Morning Joe, then you need to know this business about Sweet Briar's days being done because it is not relevant anymore is a statement of ignorance and offense. Our fates are tied to one another, to these young women graduating today, and to the legacy of Sweet Briar College. And, we should make it our charge to live our lives in a way that reflects the worthiness of the college’s mission. In doing so, the extraordinary value of this education and the burning candles of our lives will continue to cast unabated a lovely, but powerful light.”

Teresa Pike Tomlinson, Sweet Briar College, ’87

(Video by Julia Schmalz)

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The latest from The Chronicle Review:

A Plague of Hypersensitivity

By Todd Gitlin

Are we living through a plague of hypersensitivity?

Most readers will be aware of campaigns to dampen hateful speech, to stop "microaggressions," and to get professors to supply students with "trigger warnings" — verbal trailers or coming attractions — when anticipating visual and verbal disturbances. It’s as if we need the equivalent of G, PG, PG-13, R, and X ratings for both texts and talk. Those who want mandatory warnings believe they are straightforward remedies for a straightforward problem: Vulnerable people need to be protected from upset. If the demand for comfort collides with the need for truth, or with the needs of an atmosphere of intellectual give and take, the truth must be more prettily wrapped. At my own university, advocates of trigger warnings counted "roughly 80 instances of assault" in Ovid’s Metamorphoses alone. Though Metamorphoses is neither a Sadean revelry nor a snuff movie, some students find it deplorable that they’re required to read the book without a prior alert.

The counterargument is not hard to make. No one ever promised that the truth would be comforting. History, Western and otherwise, is (among other things) a slaughterhouse. The record of civilization is a record of murder, rape, and sundry other brutalities. As for the discomfort that may be occasioned by the discovery — even the shock — of this record, discomfort is the crucible of learning. The world is disconcerting. The proper way to begin understanding it is to accept the unwritten contract of university education: I am here to be disturbed.

Excesses of censorial zeal are easy to recognize, and pseudosolutions that require tiptoeing through minefields are easy to decry. The more deeply interesting question is: Why are we having this discussion at all? Deploring is simple, but grasping is hard.

Check out the rest here.

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Baltimore’s Colleges Ponder How They Can Help Fix a Broken City

By Scott Carlson and Lee Gardner

The rioting, looting, arson, and vandalism that happened here this week might have horrified people across the country, watching it unfold on 24-hour news channels and Facebook feeds. But no one in this city should have been surprised. Much of Baltimore has long been a tinderbox of crushing poverty, pervasive violence, racism, and stark socioeconomic divides. It was only a matter of time.

For the dozen or so colleges that occupy Baltimore, the city has been a laboratory, a challenge, a stigma. The unrest of the past few days — spurred by the death of a black man who was severely injured while in police custody — is leading some of the city’s colleges and scholars to ask new questions about their role here.

Raymond A. Winbush, director of the Institute for Urban Studies at Morgan State University, took part in a march downtown on Saturday, one that turned violent before the end of the night.

Despite the violence, he said, he was proud to see many of his students engaged. "Black scholars have to exist not only in the so-called ivory tower, but they’ve got to exist in the ebony tower as well and connect themselves to the community in which they teach."

The riots broke out after days of protests over the death of Freddie Gray, who died a week after he was arrested in West Baltimore, on April 12. Rallies and marches had proceeded peacefully until Saturday, when protesters clashed with police officers and with fans heading to a Baltimore Orioles baseball game. Mr. Winbush, who said he has had his own unsettling encounters with the Baltimore police, was there: White bystanders, drinking at the bars around Oriole Park at Camden Yards, called the protesters "niggers," Mr. Winbush said, and while he urged calm among the marchers, "a lot of these young guys, they didn’t like that. And that started to trigger it."

Although Sunday was quiet, by Monday afternoon police cars and businesses were damaged, looted, and burned. Much of the chaos happened along North Avenue, just two miles from Camden Yards, in a struggling part of the city that surrounds Coppin State University.

Learn more about what Baltimore’s college and university students are doing to to raise awareness here.

(Photo: Baltimore residents, including Coppin State University students, help with clean-up outside a heavily damaged CVS following riots over the death of Freddie Gray on April 28, 2015. (Muhammed Bilal Kenasari, Anadolu Agency, Getty Images)